The South China Sea is very important for China as it has huge oil and gas resources. China's actions in the South China Sea, especially the construction of islands and claims of ownership and exclusive sovereignty of resources by this country, have led to the development of Beijing's maritime influence and power. China has many interests and economic and military partners in the South China Sea region, and it is taking steps to increase its presence and influence in this region and achieve regional hegemon power in Asia, which will intensify the competition between the United States and China and increase Tensions have been high in the region. Thus, the main question of the research is, what strategy has China adopted to develop a sphere of influence in the South China Sea? The hypothesis of the article is that by expanding its presence in the South China Sea and building artificial islands, China seeks to expand its maritime territory and dominate more waters, which can make Beijing the hegemonic power in Asia and enhance its power on the world stage. Give great help. Increasing China's influence and control over the South China Sea in order to access the resources available in it, while increasing confrontations between the United States and China, has provided the basis for the escalation of tensions and increased instability in the region. A descriptive-analytical method was used to analyze the data.

Today, countries’ power projection, along with tangible and intangible elements of power, is considered as one of the indicators of national power which through them, a country fulfills its demands by using consequences of power elements. Depending on the amount of this power, the scope and the range of countries’ power projection differs from each other. Although, many international scholars pay attention to the U.S. and Russia’s elements of strength and power projection as the world's greatest military powers, however, the prospect of China’s continuous and increasing economic growth considers the country’s likely increase of power projection.Thus, by viewing the concept of power projection, in this article, we will examine its elements in relation with China and then, with a comparative look, we study China’s power projection at regional and international level.

Since 1990s, the world has witnessed the growing presence of China on the economic, political and security scenes. The vast range of China’s economic interests has inevitably tie the Chinese state to the global political and security issues, and as a result, its authorities have abandoned their traditional and Maoist thoughts, adopted a pragmatist approach to global affairs, and thus have sought to establish wider interactions with the international system by all means and methods including defence diplomacy. Given the importance of this issue and future prospects of the rise of China as a major global power in the coming decades, this article will try to elucidate the concept of defence diplomacy and then examine its place, forms and potential trends in the Chinese macro foreign policy orientation. Subsequently, China’s military relations with the United States, Russia, and other great powers as well as with its neighbouring regions including the Islamic Republic of Iran will be considered, and at the end significant characteristics of Chinese defence diplomacy will be outlined and recapped.

Knowledge about geometry and style of folding are important factors in petroleum exploration. Mish anticline located at the northeastern part of Dogonbadan region and on hanging wall of Mountain Front Fault. In this research, Mish anticline is analyzed as a fault-related fold. The box-shape geometry of the fold, overturn forelimb, and high elevation is similar to the other anticlines in southern part of Izeh structural subzone within the Zagros Fold-Thrust Belt. Geometric analysis of this fault related-fold is done based on 3 constructed structural cross sections across the fold. This showed that the Mish anticline has a transported fault-propagation fold geometry in which the transportation has occurred through the syncline axial plane.

Introduction and Objectives: This article conceptualizes and analyzes the revisionism of two major global powers—China and the United States—within the liberal international order. Contrary to conventional approaches that portray China as the sole revisionist actor and the United States as the defender of the status quo, this research demonstrates that the United States has also become a revisionist power.Methods: Utilizing qualitative research methods, including case studies and document analysis, this article examines the revisionist behavior of these two countries across various domains, such as international security, the global economy, the environment, and human rights. China seeks gradual, multi-layered changes in the international order by emphasizing cooperation within existing institutions and the creation of new ones. In contrast, the United States aims for more radical changes by leveraging its institutional power and agency. This research concludes that understanding the dual revisionism of these two powers is essential for better comprehending the future trajectory of international politics and the potential for conflict or cooperation between them.Findings: The study's findings indicate that China, as an "embedded revisionist," strives to create gradual changes in the liberal international order through engagement with existing institutions and the establishment of new ones. China deepens its participation in international regimes, enhances access, and increases agency power, gradually and selectively altering aspects of these regimes while continuing to pursue this strategy. Conversely, the United States, as a "bridging revisionist," seeks to reconstruct the liberal international order through mobilizing alternative networks and broad institutional changes. The transformation of international security regimes by creating alternative networks, challenging financial, monetary, and trade regimes by developing a new sanction system and paralyzing the World Trade Organization, and efforts to redefine the human rights regime as a key normative dimension of the liberal international order are examples of the United States' strategic actions as a bridging revisionist.Conclusion: The analysis of the revisionist behavior of China and the United States within the liberal international order reveals that both powers operate as revisionists with differing approaches. China, as an embedded revisionist, seeks gradual changes through predominantly selective interactions with existing institutions, while the United States, as a bridging revisionist, seeks more radical changes by redesigning aspects of the international order, leveraging its high levels of access and agency power. However, both powers are so deeply intertwined in this rules-based order that revolutionary revisionism does not align with their interests. The dual revisionism underscores the emerging complexities in the transformation of the liberal international order. In other words, to better understand the transformation of the liberal international order, it is necessary to move beyond the conventional dichotomy of revisionist powers versus status quo powers. The mainstream literature on revisionism in international relations has excessively focused on China's discourse and behavior as the key revisionist power, leading to an oversimplification and reductionism of the complex realities of transformation within the liberal international order. Analyzing the discourse and behavior of the United States as a bridging revisionist, along with its complex interactions with China as an embedded revisionist, can contribute to a more coherent understanding of the forces reshaping the liberal international order.

استراتژی دریایی یکی از مهمترین ابعاد استراتژی ملی قدرت های بزرگ به حساب می آید. این مساله اگرچه با تحول ماهوی قدرت در سیاست جهانی، اهمیتی را که آلفرد ماهان در «تاثیر و نفوذ قدرت دریایی در تاریخ» مطرح کرده بود را از دست داده است اما در دو دهه اخیر مجددا به عرصه رقابت ژئوپلیتیک قدرت های بزرگ بازگشته است. در این میان، اقیانوس هند و شکل گیری ائتلاف بندی های جدیدی مانند کواد و آکوس در آن را می توان نقطه عزیمت جدیدی در بازی قدرت های جهانی دانست. در این راستا، این مقاله به این سوال اصلی پرداخته است که اقیانوس هند چه جایگاهی در معادلات ژئوپلیتیک قدرت های دریایی با تاکید بر گروه بندی های کواد و آکوس دارد؟ یافته های این پژوهش که به روش توصیفی- تحلیلی صورت گرفته نشان دهنده انتقال تدریجی مرکز ثقل اقتصاد و سیاست جهانی از اقیانوس اطلس به اقیانوس هند-آرام است که در پرتو ائتلاف بندی های نظامی و امنیتی جدید به تشدید رقابت و تنش میان قدرت های بزرگ دریایی منجر خواهد شد.