This article introduces and expounds on a qasida by Qajar, which is in 47 lines (4 verses composed totally in Arabic, 25 lines in Persian and 18 lines in Molama"e). Like Shanfari and Toghrai, in this qasida, the poet complains about the cruelty of his kith and kin, the callous world, and so on. The poet lived in the Qajar period, and his gasida rhymes in l, hence the title of this gasida.

In order to peruse the political and social role of women in Qajar family, studying the haramsara, the inside complex women lived in, separated from other parts of the palace, of this era is very much important. The situation of haramsaras in Qajar era and its political- social outputs demands the deep thinking in their nature to explain the political structure of Qajar government. Some subjects in the realm of haramsara functions, however, are more significant such as the ways women entered into the kings' haramsaras, and under which circumstances they passed their lives as the rich women who were in wealthy and comfortable layers of society. Their social activities, training and successes in cultural arena are all significant concerns on Qajar women. The most important point is to understand that how these women managed their responsibilities in the political context of the country particularly at the crossroads such as Tobacco Movement and Constitutional Movement, has serious affair. The findings show that the life of these haramsara women was not very different from the ordinary women of that epoch of Iran history and they also followed the traditional styles of life. It should be mentioned that they were in different positions comparing to men of that age. Also their progress in the socio - cultural fields had a suitable process, considering the variable conditions of Qajar society. The political activities of these women were varying according to the personal and the family authority and also according to the will and the power of the kings.

IntroductionThe present research deals with the discrepancy between the hypothesized theory of the Asiatic mode of production and the empirical evidence from the Qajar era. Specifically, it explored whether the state–class relationship in the Qajar era can accurately be characterized as oriental despotism (or an Asian state), or it reflects a state where the power of the king was limited by influential classes, such as the clergy, affluent merchants, local nobility, provincial rulers, princes, large landowners, and tribal chiefs. The central focus of this research was to determine whether the Qajar state enjoyed power concentration or operated within a kind of power plurality. In this respect, the central question is: Was the power of the Qajar state limited by social classes, or did it wield absolute and supra-class authority?Theoretical FrameworkThe study examined the state–class relationship through the lens of Karl Marx’s theory of the state. Marx’s perspective on the state can be categorized into three distinct models: the powerless state, the state with relative power, and the state with absolute power. Applying these three models, the present study analyzed the dynamics of the state–class relationship during the Qajar era.According to Marx’s instrumentalist theory, the concept of a class state suggests that both the form and essence of the state are contingent upon prevailing classes. While the state may exhibit diverse variations and characteristics in different historical contexts, it fundamentally relies on classes. In all instances, the state functions as a dependent entity and a tool of the ruling class. Marx presented his theory of the Bonapartist state in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852) and The Class Struggles in France 1848-1850 (1850). Marx acknowledges that the state possesses a certain degree of independent power or relative autonomy from the ruling class. According to Marx and Engels, the absence of private land ownership and the existence of large-scale state-controlled water facilities, despite their apparent contradiction, are the defining characteristics of the Asian state, in which the autocratic state machinery exercises control over the production surplus and serves not only as the central apparatus for oppression but also as a tool for economic exploitation at the disposal of the ruling class. In such a setting, “the state reigns supreme.”As evident, Marx’s triadic model of the state analyzes the state–class relationship at three levels. The model of class state portrays a state that lacks power and relative autonomy from the ruling class. The Bonapartist state enjoys relative autonomy from the ruling class, while the Asian state wields absolute power and autocratic authority over all societal classes. The present research used Marx’s triadic model as the analytical framework to examine the state–class relationship during the Qajar era.Materials and Methods This research employed a historical case study approach, which involves gathering extensive information through various data collection methods over an extended temporal span. The collected information is systematically analyzed with the explicit objective of deriving theoretical insights. The documentary research method within the framework of recorded or written history was used to collect the relevant information. There are three strategies for data analysis: pattern matching, explanation building, and time series analysis. Given the descriptive nature of the current case study, the pattern matching method, specifically the type of rival explanations, was utilized. This method involves comparing the historical pattern derived from experience with the predicted theoretical pattern.Results and DiscussionThe central question addressed in the present article pertains to the extent of the Qajar state’s power; whether it was constrained by social classes or characterized by absolute and supra-class authority. According to the research findings, the influential clerics, relying on their social support base, exerted their influence over the state. This influence manifested openly through the issuance of fatwas in significant events such as the Russo-Persian Wars, the Persian Tobacco Protest, or the Constitutional Movement. Furthermore, the clerics often succeeded in establishing common interests through their relationships with statesmen, thereby exerting influence over high-ranking state officials. Notably, clerics comprised 20% of the social composition of the first parliament, which signifies their official entry into the power structure of the time.Prominent and affluent merchants, particularly in the first half of the 19th century, wielded influence by fulfilling the financial requirements of the state and cooperating closely with it. However, their role evolved in the second half of the 19th century marked by events like the Tobacco Protests and Monsieur Naus, when they joined the protesters and disrupted the country’s economic cycles due to conflicting interests. This class emerged as one of the most influential groups in Iran during the Qajar era. With the establishment of the Constituent Assembly, they secured a significant one-third of the parliament composition.The influential patriarchs of tribes and the heads of important clans held significant sway due to their independent geographic position and economic resources, military strength, and provision of manpower to the Qajar army. This enabled them to exert influence and even engage in direct conflicts with the state, such as during the Constitutional Movement.Given Iran’s population structure, which predominantly comprised farmers, the large landowners assumed the role of quasi-sovereigns within the territories under their ownership. Their possession of extensive estates, personal military forces, and substantial incomes derived from landownership, combined with a weak bureaucracy and an inefficient tax system, granted them considerable autonomy in areas under their influence.ConclusionAccording to the findings, it becomes highly challenging to conceive of the Qajar state as the entity possessing absolute power, as Marx suggests as the primary characteristic of the Asian state. In the Qajar Iran, influential social classes, including the clergy, affluent merchants, local nobility, provincial rulers, princes, large landowners, and tribal chiefs, served as intermediary layers that limited the state’s power and prevented the establishment of a supreme master or an absolute ruler. Moreover, the Qajar state, originating from the Qajar tribe, was not practically reliant on the tribe itself or other social classes, so the Qajar state actually employed various methods, such as granting state positions or making discord between tribes, to control and even suppress them. Accordingly, the Qajar state cannot be categorized as a mere instrument of the ruling class or an entity with absolute power. It does not align with the concept of a class state or even a supra-class state. Instead, enjoying power and relative autonomy from the dominant class, the Qajar state could create a relative balance between social forces, leading to its characterization as a Bonapartist state.

Researching occult sciences has been ignored among historians. The present article has been specifically devoted to the second science of this complex, meaning “ Limiya” or the science of talismans, and has tried to identify and introduce various types of talismans and the scope of Iranian’ s belief in them during the Qajar era through a descriptive-analytical method and while introducing the activists of this field, this research has tried to find out why people resort to talismans. The results of the present research indicate that talismans had political, medical, and social applications in different fields in this era and nobles and common people were no different when it came to believing in talismans and being attracted by them. Gypsies, the Sufi community, and the Jewish people were the most important activists of this field during the Qajar era and they helped poor and desperate people face their problems.

This paper examines the social morals and customs of Lootian in the Qajar period.Lootian was part of a chain that began with Fotowat and continued through market guild and Ayyari. Although it was transformed in some course, but in the decline, it changed into Lootian and in the present century was changed to Lumpen (in the Marxist theories). There are some different and sometimes conflicting meanings of Lootian, from barefooted and poor, to Pederast.Also Loot in its own language means Satiety. In this article, we explain Lootian’s morals and their difference with Panties and explain attitudes toward Lootian. And specifically, we explain Lootian’s cover and their clothing components, their habitude, Lootian’s languages and dialects, their funs and games, and their names and titles. Finally, rituals of Lootian are discussed and their competitions and fights in Muharram Ceremonies were explained.

Zaroastrian as an Iranian minority like most residents of Iran has neither any school nor any educational official center till mid-Qajar period. They attentioned to training programs as religious education for children. The formation of modern school with new style has began since entry of the first parsian envoy to Iran whose named manekjy limjy Houshang Hateria. He would build new schools for zaroastrian children in time presence in Iran. After him, other Persian envoys such as Keikhosrow G. Khansaheb continued his work to building new schools. Arbab Keikhosrow Shahrokh was diligent in making schools. Zaroastrian Schools was not dedicated solely to educating boys but it were founded schools for Zaroastrian girls' education. In this paper, we want to review effects of new schools on cultural and social advancement of Iranian Zaroastrians with an analytical approach. It is necessary to show that new schools were able to attend field for Zaroastrian in Iranian social scene.

You can find the roots of Qajar painting in Iranian arts from old times. With different cultural and political movements that occurred in Iran after Safavid era; the effects of western art appeared in Iranian painting especially in the Qajar era. You can find traces of this effect on verism paintings in this era. In the beginning this verism was in opposite direction to the abstract painting, But after passing of time artists found the solution by compiling symbolism in painting and verism of western arts together. This compilation itself had an effect on the Iranian painting too. Qajar era was the peak of its power with regards to the combining of this art and regarding its contents is a point taken in to consideration in this research.

Spice was considered a major agricultural product exported from the East to the west before the Renaissance. However, with the extensive developments in technical principles of production and increasing growth of European products and artifacts beyond Europe and increased demand of the west for different agricultural products in the Renaissance, Eastern communities had no choice but to increase the amount of agricultural products through changing subsistence farming to commercial agriculture in order to provide cost of consumer goods imports and different investment. The findings of this research indicate that Iran in Qajar period, especially after age of nassery, began the first stages of commercial agriculture and at the end of the period achieved significant success and adopted a Logical path in modernizing. But this direction changed out of the emergence of other factors; so modernization process in Iran was diverted to another route.

While Qafqaz, a main part of Iran beyond the Aras river, was occupied; together with political and social evolution in Qadjar period, Persian literature and poem also reacted.Entering Qadjar period’s poet in stage of literary works, a new interim in Iran's literature history began which researchers call "Combat Poem " and " Anti- Occupying Literature ".Began with Iran-Russia battles, " Anti-Occupying Poem " diversified Iran' s literature and so depicted the struggle of Qafqaz people against Czarist Russia.The pioneer poet who reminded Iran- Russia battles are so important because in Qadjar period Iran’s literature and culture was just imitation and trite.Forming " Anti-Occupying Literature ", this poem which was in throes of death, again revived and Persian poem found a new life.

It’s not an enigma that story and history have the same fate. A little attention to the concept of history could be helpful. It’s acceptable that the world is consisted of several events. But there’s a huge difference between considered and unconsidered events.History means research on events that at a certain time have been considered, observed and kept in mind by researchers and has built a structure of the story about same events. Reality is greater than history and in terms of number exceeds it highly. This leads into identity generating. In this sense, identity is a criterion that historical event can be studied based on it. As we speak of identity as a process, indeed, we have spoke of the continuity of phenomenon having become historical in response to the questions of a person, a group, an ethical group or a nation about his past. When we speak of identity as a process, we indeed talk about the continuity of historized phenomena when answering the questions rose respecting about past. With reviewing five historical works, the writer has sought to study the factor of Farang (West) on Iranian identity in historical reports in Qajar era.