Allama Iqbal is among the intellectuals whose political thought has influenced many thinkers and political movements in various countries, both during his lifetime and posthumously, particularly in Islamic countries. This article employs a descriptive-analytical approach to examine the impact of Allama Iqbal's political thought on the Jamiat-e-Islami (Islamic Society) and Harakat-e-Islami(Islamic Movement) of Afghanistan, two prominent Islamic-oriented parties in the country. The key aspects of Iqbal's political thought, including Islamic unity and awakening, anti-colonialism, independence, self-renewal, reform of religious and social thinking, and his utopia, have significantly influenced the recent political struggles of Muslim movements. By examining relevant texts and interviews with experts on the subject, it was explained that this influence was mostly through Iqbal's patriotic poems on the mentioned parties. Furthermore, it is revealed that the ideologues of these movements, namely Burhanuddin Rabbani and Ayatollah Mohseni, have been more influenced by Allama Iqbal's political thought compared to others. Overall, the aforementioned parties were also influenced by Iqbal's political thought through their own ideologues. Allama Iqbal, a prominent poet and thinker of the East, is one of the leaders of the religious reform movement whose thoughts and poetry have significantly influenced the intellectual and political currents in various countries, particularly among Muslim nations. An examination of Iqbal's works reveals several focal points that collectively shape his political thought, analyzing both the crises and their causes, as well as the ideal society and the pathways to achieve it. Iqbal held a particular affection for Afghanistan, a sentiment notably linked to the country's independence, which was achieved during his time through the resistance of its people against British forces. He regarded Afghanistan's independence as auspicious for the future of Muslims in India, thus placing his hopes on this land. He had a special admiration for Amanullah Khan and Nadir Shah (the kings of Afghanistan during Iqbal's era), which appears to stem from their roles in securing the country's independence during Amanullah Khan’s reign and Nadir Shah’s subsequent protection of it. Given Iqbal's connection with Afghanistan, his portrayal of this country, and his respect for its kings (Amanullah Khan and Nadir Shah), along with his status as a leading figure in the religious reform movement whose ideas—especially his political thought—have influenced many Islamist movements, it is essential to explore the impact of Iqbal's thoughts on the political landscape of Afghanistan in a standalone article. Therefore, the primary question of this paper is: What is the influence of Allama Iqbal's political thought on political movements in Afghanistan (particularly Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami)? This article employs a descriptive-analytical methodology. Initially, it describes, interprets, and analyzes existing data, followed by conclusions drawn from research questions. To conduct a thorough investigation of the topic, we first provide an overview of Allama Iqbal's political thought and subsequently examine its impact on Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami in Afghanistan. In gathering information, we first consulted Iqbal’s texts and poetry as well as other writings related to his political thought. Following this, we conducted an in-depth analysis of written works from Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami that pertain to this article’s subject matter, especially focusing on the works of ideologues from these movements, articles, and other published materials in newspapers and other publications associated with these parties. Additionally, interviews were conducted with several experts familiar with the political movements to understand better Iqbal's influence on them. Although most of Iqbal’s remaining works are poetic in nature, they all possess a political hue. Iqbal endeavored to address crises while proposing solutions within these works. In some instances, he describes the conditions of his time and society; in others, he articulates visions of an ideal society and pathways to achieve it. The foundation for this political thought lies within a pervasive crisis that has afflicted Muslim countries and deepened over time according to Iqbal’s perspective. Observing the plight of modern humanity and its challenges, particularly among Easterners—especially Muslims—and recognizing the multifaceted impacts of Western influence across various dimensions within Islamic lands underscored the urgent need for revitalization among people in both East and West. Factors such as atheism and secularism in the West and their impact on Eastern cultures, along with Muslims' lagging behind fundamental belief principles, inspired Iqbal’s formulation of his political ideas. To comprehend this description and Iqbal's proposed solutions to issues, some key themes in his political thought include: Unity and Islamic Awakening Iqbal's Perspective on the West Return to Self Revitalization of Religious Thought and Social Reform Iqbal's Ideal Society Considering these themes, Allama Iqbal's political thought has influenced various political movements in Afghanistan, particularly Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami.   The impact of Iqbal's ideas on Jamiat-e Islami is most evident in the thoughts of Burhanuddin Rabbani, who led this movement for at least four decades. Rabbani was familiar with Iqbal and frequently referenced him in his speeches. For instance, during a speech regarding Kashmir's situation, he repeatedly addressed Iqbal directly and cited his poetry. Other prominent leaders within Jamiat-e Islami were also influenced by Allama Iqbal; for example, Ahmad Shah Massoud—national hero—had an affinity for poetry and occasionally recited Iqbal’s verses; similarly, Marshal Mohammad Qasim Fahim expressed particular admiration for Iqbal’s poetry and ideas. Furthermore, manifestations of Allama Iqbal's political thought can be observed in publications associated with Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan, especially during periods of jihad and resistance. The publication of Iqbal’s heroic poetry in this party's journals undoubtedly served to bolster the morale of Mujahideen fighters while fostering unity among Afghan people as well as instilling an anti-colonial spirit among readers. The political ideas expressed by Allama Iqbal have also influenced poets within this movement; for instance, Mustamand—a poet associated with this group—prefers Iqbal above all others, noting that he was a poet for Islam whose verses were dedicated to awakening Muslims worldwide. Writers, scholars, and senior members of Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan consider the influence of Allama Iqbal’s political thought on their movement both natural and commendable. They believe that Jamiat-e Islami has benefited more than any other group from Iqbal’s thoughts and poetry—especially during periods of jihad and resistance—drawing upon themes such as unity and awakening among Muslims as well as anti-colonialism. Similarly, Harakat-e Islami Afghanistan—the first Shia Islamist party that played a significant role during the Afghan people's jihad against communist rule—has also been influenced by Allama Iqbal's political thought. This movement was led by Ayatollah Mohseni—a distinguished Islamic scholar known for advocating unity among different sects within Islam—who was respected by Afghan people for his calls for unity and reconciliation among various Islamic sects. Although traces of Allama Iqbal’s political thought are evident within sections of Harakat-e Islami's manifesto—such as establishing an Islamic justice system based on Quranic laws combined with reason; rejecting colonial dependency; striving for Muslim unity; creating a powerful Islamic presence globally—this influence can also be observed through publications affiliated with this party during periods of jihad where various articles referenced Iqbal’s thoughts and poetry. Ayatollah Mohseni frequently cited Allama Iqbal’s ideas within his speeches and writings that conveyed messages about awakening, unity against foreign oppression, independence-seeking efforts alongside self-improvement initiatives aimed at societal reform. He acknowledged Western civilization as materially advanced while permitting its utilization but regarded Muslims as superior concerning philosophical foundations and ethical principles—a view shared by Allama Iqbal himself. The ideologue behind Harakat-e Islami (Ayatollah Mohseni) similarly identified excessive mysticism as one factor contributing to Muslim backwardness while emphasizing self-returning efforts towards societal reform akin to those advocated by Allama Iqbal—including equal rights for women. Overall, Allama Iqbal's political thought has profoundly impacted both Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami Afghanistan—particularly during periods marked by jihad and resistance—primarily through his heroic poetry that continues to resonate deeply within these movements

Ikhwan-al-Moslemin movement was formed in the 1960s at a time when Afghanistan was in a political, social, religious and economic crisis. After the People's Democratic Party came to power in 1978 and a change in the political situation, the movement quickly entered a new phase, declaring the "jihad" discourse as the main strategy for achieving its goals and in this way, it played an important role in the Islamic Awakening and the changes of the 1970s and 1980s. With the overthrow of the People's Regime and the victory of the Mujahideen (1992), one of the branches of the Ikhwan (Jamiat-e-Islami) formed the Islamic State and the other branch of the Ikhwan (Hezb-e-Islami) revolted against this government and finally the government was so weakened that it was overthrown in 1996 by the rise of the Taliban. The main idea of this article is to study the reasons for the failure of Ikhwan-al-moslemin in establishing a strong and stable government in this country through a descriptive analytical method with an interpretive approach and using historical documents. The research findings show that the causes of the failure of this movement should be sought in internal and external factors; Internal divisions, ethnicity, worldliness and everyday life, extremism, distancing oneself from iKhwan defined ideals, the weakness of political ideology on the one hand, and the repression of ruling regimes, dependence on regional powers, and Transregional, fusion with takfiri and secular movements on the other hand were the most important internal and external factors.

After the 2011 revolution the Bahraini government arrested mainly Shiite leaders under various pretexts. One of these people is Ali Salman, the secretary general of the Jamiat al-Wefaq. Despite cooperating with the regime in the negotiation process and fulfilling the demands of the Bahraini regime in calming the movement, he was eventually arrested by Al-Khalifa and defended himself in court. The purpose of this study is to identify the prevailing discourse and the authority of Salman as a window to get acquainted with one of Bahrain's political discourses. This article seeks to explain and analyze Ali Salman's defense in the Bahraini court and to answer the question of what are the discourse components governing Ali Salman's defense in the Bahraini government court? Findings of this article that have been compiled using interpretive method and discourse and analytical analysis; It represents a kind of moderate and reformist discourse(as opposed to revolutionary discourse)in Salman's defense. Among the qualitative variables mentioned in the analysis of Van Dijk`s critical discourse, Salman has used the words, quotation, good interpretation and polarization the most. The hypothesis of this research is that the Al-Khalifa regime is not reformable and always tries to keep the Bahraini people away from the movement by making baseless promises

This article analyzes the role of "hijab" in the orientation of active political and social forces in the movement of nationalizing the oil industry in the late twentieth decade (1941-1951). The community in the twentieth century, and especially the evolutions of the late decade, is influenced by two categories of international and national trends: The first is the "colonial turn", and the emergence of a new world order after World War II, as well as the Islamic revival as a result of the decline of national monarchies in Islamic countries. The second is the revival of the repressed social and political forces after Reza Khan's ouster, and the revision of the political and social strategies of the modern nationalist forces to overcome the crisis of legitimacy resulted from Reza Khan's authoritarian nationalism. The article will indicate how the issues of women have evolved amid the controversy over oil and elections in the evolutions of the last decade. This will explain three strategies for the issue of hijab among political and social forces. The strategiies are political ignorance of hijab, the strategy of social ineffectiveness of hijab, and the strategy of obligating hijab. In this article, the sources and positions of the National Front of Iran, the Tudeh Party of Iran, the Islamic Mojahedin Society and the Jamiat Fadaiyan-e-Islam have been referred as the first-hand historical and oral history sources.

Amī, r Khā, n Amī, r-A’, lam (1876-1961) can be considered the icon of modern Iranian medicine. Several books and articles have been written about him and various aspects of his professional life have been studied. However, the author of this article, by accessing a collection of newly found documents, has obtained new and interesting information on the modernization of health and medicine and the role of Amī, r-A’, lam in it. Relying on the accepted methods of historical and documentary research, the author has first introduced and analyzed these documents and then has tried to present, classify and analyze the new information in fields such as the role of Amī, r-A’, lam in the modernization of military medicine, the establishment of the first women’, s hospital, reconstruction of Razavi Dā, r al-Shafā,and finally the establishment and expansion of Iran’, s Jamiat-e Shir-o Khorshid (lit. Lion and Sun Society of Iran). These documents show what the state of military medicine was like before modernization, how Amī, r-A’, lam’, s altruistic actions led to the establishment of the Women and Children Hospital, and what obstacles and problems Amī, r-A’, lam faced in rebuilding the Razavi Dā, r al-Shafā, . Also, for the first time, the establishment and expansion of Iran’, s Jamiate Shir-o Khorshid, which later became Iran’, s Red Crescent Society, is narrated by Amī, r-A’, lam.

The guilds were one of the important economic groups, who distanced themselves from their traditional role with their widespread presence in the constitutional revolution. They were limited by government policies during the Pahlavi I period, . Tthe Tudeh party, which introduced itself as a supporter of the working classes, and attract them to the Soviet Communists, it published various newspapers such as Shahbaz, and etc. Khalq newspaper owned by Mustafa Lankarani was the organ of Jamiat Azadi Iran, which was launched in order to explain the economic conditions and problems of trade unions. By a descriptive-analytical method, this Study tries to show how the status of guilds is reflected in Khalq newspaper? . The result of the research shows that a considerable amount of articles related to this issue shows the wrong economic policy of the government in the entry of corrupt and bad goods into the country and the closure of domestic workshops, bankruptcy and poverty of guilds, which is due to the lack of a correct economic plan and the lack of coordination of economic and The production of the government created problems for the guilds, including the high cost of production raw materials, and the oppression of municipal and police officials. It has also provided solutions based on encouraging the export of goods based on barter trade with the Soviet Union in contrast to Truman's Four Principles and paying attention to the lives of villagers to increase their purchasing power in line with Soviet communist policies.

AbstractFollowing the opening of the political and intellectual space in Iran in the 1320s, various political parties emerged with their different ideologies and programs. One of these parties was “the "Association for the Freedom of the Iranian People” (Jamʿiyyat-e Azadi-ye Mardom-e Iran), which began its activities around the same time as the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry. This article aims to explain the ideology and the political, social and economic goals of “the "Association for the Freedom of the Iranian People” based on a descriptive-analytical method using primary sources. The party, based on its own analysis, saw Iranian society on the verge of social transformation and promoted agendas based on a specific ideology to realize this transformation. The basis for this ideology was theistic socialism, i.e. a combination of socialism and Islamic religious identity, on the basis of which the party pursued its goals. Among the most important goals pursued by the party were the protection of Iran's independence and territorial integrity, the creation of a democratic national government, the nationalization of natural resources and their exploitation on the basis of a national socialist ideology, the development of mechanization, the cession of agricultural land to farmers, the extension of property rights, the nationalization of heavy industry, the provision of public health care and cultural products, the fight against materialistic and superstitious ideas, the support of Islamic principles to strengthen faith, intellectual and moral growth in society, the guarantee of women’s rights and the strengthening of the family structure. Introduction  With the outbreak of World War II, Reza Shah surrendered and abdicated in favor of his son. Following this change and the emergence of new conditions, space was given for political and intellectual action. Because of this relatively free political environment, competition, cooperation, connection, integration, and conflict between different ideologies emerged, and various organizations and parties formed. Tudeh Party, Iran Party, Adalat Party, Watan Party, and National Unity Party were among these parties. In addition to these political parties, different currents of thought with different ideologies also emerged, which became the basis for forming new political parties. One of these intellectual currents was the "Socialist God-worshipping Movement," which, by criticizing the materialistic and religious discourses of the time, proposed the ideology of socialism based on god-worship and organized its political, economic, and social programs based on it. After some time, some members of this intellectual current, following the apparent political activity and playing a role in the internal developments of Iran, created a political organization called "National Movement of Iran." Later, the members of this political organization integrated into this party due to the alliance with the Iranian party. Then, in February of 1331, parallel to the conflict of the national government with tyranny and colonialism, the coalition of the Movements and the Iranian Party broke up, and they created a new party called "Association for the Freedom of the Iranian People” (Jamʿiyyat-e Azadi-ye Mardom-e Iran).  From the beginning, this newly founded party propagated the ideology of socialism based on theism and published its various political, economic, and social programs through its official organ, the Iranian People's Daily. The subject of this research is to explain the ideology and programs of this party.Materials and Methods This article was written using historical methods and data analysis. About this topic, as far as the author has checked, independent work has yet to be written so far. Most works have limited themselves to giving a brief and general report about this population only during the introduction of political parties and organizations. However, in the two comprehensive works published about the socialist god movement, the Jamiat Azadi people of Iran and its programs are also mentioned. One of these two is the book of the Socialist God-worshippers Movement by Mahmoud Nekorouh (2013). In this book, the author has provided a brief report on how the party was formed and how it acted during the Mossadegh National Government until the 1953 coup d'état. He has only mentioned the text of the manifesto and individual contract of the party and some articles of the party's founders, without any analysis. The other is the well-documented and prestigious study of socialist god worshipers from the gatherings to the people's freedom society written by Mohammad Hossein Khosrupanah (1400), which was very helpful in writing this research. In this comprehensive work, Khosrupanah has provided a detailed report on the organization and political activities of the Iranian People's Freedom Movement from the beginning of its activities until the August 28 coup. In addition, he has briefly explained some parts of Jamiat's programs by describing the party's performance. In the current research, which is independent research about this party, an attempt is made to explain and explain the ideology and programs of the population in a complete and orderly manner by relying on the analytical and descriptive approach of the sources, especially by focusing on the official organ of the party, i.e., the Iranian People's Daily. The questions should be answered: What were the components and features of the ideology of the Iranian People's Freedom crowd, and what political, economic, and social programs did the crowd pursue according to this ideology? Jamiat Azadi people of Iran were one of the influential parties of the National Movement period. Therefore, explaining its views can help us understand this period's intellectual and political paradigm. Results and Discussion The fall of Reza Shahi's government led to the resumption of activities of national forces and freedom fighters. However, the supremacy of selfishness and individualism prevented the creation of social organizations to fulfill democratic demands. This issue provided the basis for authoritarian forces to gain power. Against the anti-national and reactionary forces, the national movement began to realize socialist and democratic demands. The population of its members was active in political, social, and economic struggles, along with belief in God and socialism. Its programs included defending independence, supporting moral principles, and implementing socialist reforms to improve material conditions. In its political and social program, the population paid special attention and support to the lower classes of society, workers and peasants. They promised the workers that they should start a savior battle to end the shameful life and the gradual Black Death.In addition, they recognized the working classes as the organized and leading ranks of this social struggle and expected them to base their revolution on the social, moral, and spiritual foundation. They also paid special attention and support to the peasants as a class that experienced deprivation, humiliation, and distress in the feudal equations and declared that the ownership of barren forests and other natural resources should be transferred to the society. We concluded that if the land is not used for agriculture, it does not belong to individual ownership, and as a natural and eternal heritage, it should be used according to social requirements and legal conditions. The party sought to overthrow the monarchy and establish a democratic and socialist government, and for this purpose, it launched campaigns with three demands: freedom, equality, and faith in God. They were looking for a human-centered socialist future and believed that by forming the Islamic Front, they could be a powerful force against the two world fronts. The party suggested that the people support the creation of a united socialist organization to destroy the oppressive and feudal capitalist regime. They also warned that any effort to be flexible and compromise with this capitalist system would only benefit the wealthy groups and harm the working classes. In this way, he encouraged the National Front party as a tool to fight against foreign colonialism and warned that Mossadegh's government was indifferent to internal reforms. This party believed that definitive and fundamental reforms require comprehensive and social efforts. ConclusionAccording to the intellectual and political developments of the era, the Association for Freedom of Iranian People thought that the Iranian society was on the threshold of transition from the current situation to another. According to them, this transition will be democratic, social, and socialist. Therefore, it prepared and propagated its ideology and programs in line with this transition's advancement and faster realization. In this general program, the ideology of the Socialist Party was based on the worship of God, formulated through the criticism of contemporary intellectual discourses, especially the materialistic and traditional religious discourses. It paid attention to the two intellectual cores of Western modernity and the religious culture of the indigenous society. In other words, in this ideology, western socialism (minus its materialistic aspect) was placed next to religious identity (Islam in its monotheistic form). According to them, realizing the transition will be possible only by relying on this ideology and creating an all-inclusive party, they were trying to create. They prepared a political, social, and economic program based on this ideology. According to this program, in the political arena, they sought to overthrow the monarchy and establish a democratic and national military, and in the social and economic arenas, they sought to implement socialist programs. Among the most important goals pursued by the party were the protection of Iran's independence and territorial integrity, the creation of a democratic national government, the nationalization of natural resources and their exploitation on the basis of a national socialist ideology, the development of mechanization, the cession of agricultural land to farmers, the extension of property rights, the nationalization of heavy industry, the provision of public health care and cultural products, the fight against materialistic and superstitious ideas, the support of Islamic principles to strengthen faith, intellectual and moral growth in society, the guarantee of women’s rights and the strengthening of the family structure.

Introduction: The Rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan during the 1990s and their seizure of power was an important event in the fate of this country. Their fall and the establishment of the republican system in 2001 seemed to herald Afghanistan's entry into the corridor of democracy. However, the unexpected resurgence of the Taliban in the summer of 2021 was surprising to the world. This article attempts to examine the shaky process of democratization in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2021, from theoretical perspective of Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson. This analysis seeks to answer this question: : what causes to the failure of democratization in Afghanistan and the rapid return of the Taliban?The integration of these factors facilitated the restoration of authoritarianism by the Taliban. The data in this article has been collected through library and documentary studies and analyzed in the framework of Acemoglu and Robinson's theories. The findings show that democratization of Afghanistan grows with the emergence of the Leviathan and empowers the society by eliminating anti-development norms.Despite international efforts for democratization that began at the Bonn Conference, Afghanistan's recent history witnessed the sudden fall of the Islamic Republic and the rapid return of the Taliban. The goal of the conference was to establish a new government and end the Taliban rule, but Afghanistan's deviation from the democratic path and the rapid resurgence of the Taliban reveals deeper complexities beyond common themes such as a collapsing state or systemic corruption. The vital role of participatory governance and social empowerment for sustainable democracy in Afghanistan was neglected. This failure highlights the complex relationship between govenment and society that is crucial to the maintainance of democracy. Therefore, we will further analyze the failure of democratization in Afghanistan and ultimately, the rapid revival of the Taliban. Emphasizing the nature of the state and society in Afghanistan and its consequences on democratization will be our focus.Research question: what causes to the failure of democratization process in Afghanistan and the rapid return of the Taliban?Research hypothesis: The hypothesis is that the nature of govenment in Afghanistan aligns with an absent Leviathan due to the weak structure and anti-democratic power of society. In such a setting, the cage of norms dictates policies and prevents the simultaneous strengthening of both the state and society, thus preventing the emergence of a Shackled Leviathan as a counterbalance to democracy.Methodology and theoretical framework: This research examines the prerequisites for the transition to democracy in Afghanistan with a historical sociology approach. It rejects a simplistic and linear view and instead emphasizes the interplay of political and social factors. Drawing on more recent perspectives like Acemoglu and Robinson's, it highlights the necessity of a balanced relationship between state power and social consciousness. This balance, called the "Red Queen Effect," emphasizes the need for both the goverment and society to evolve and compete to preserve individual rights and independence and ultimately stenghten democratic transition. Acemoglu and Robinson analyze the normative barriers of democracy as the "cage of norms." Under the constraints of norms and the weakening of the state's capacity as another basis for the transition to democracy, the simultaneous empowerment of society and the state and the emergence of the Shackled Leviathan as an optimal transition point to democracy will not happen.Results and discussion: Afghanistan's weak state structure and social dominance hinder democratic transition. Norms constrain policy, halts govenmental and social progress and thwart a Shackled Leviathan. The lack of unified power hinders the use of resources and provision of public services and fuels poverty. Tribal values exacerbate the exploitation and violence that has become normal since the war. State-Social competition fails and hinders progress. Even intermediary institutions such as Jamiat-e-Islami, Hizb-e-Islami and Dawat-e-Islami did not prioritize increasing their modern capacity to collaborate with the govenment. The Afghan national government ignored the influence of the “Red Queen” concept and instead promoted specific tribal groups, a policy that was at odds with social awareness. During the democratization years, it was not the state but rather the actions of foreign forces that prevented major events such as the re-emergence of the Taliban. The stability of the state was not inherently linked to its authority. In a realm where there is no single authority (akin to an absent Leviathan), social support may falter or cease at any moment, affecting the stability of the state. This moment in Afghanistan coincided with the fall of the republic and the rapid rise of the Taliban.Conclusion: During Afghanistan's Republican era, the absent Leviathan struggled to enforce laws, curb violence, resolve conflicts and provide public services. In fact, Afghanistan had wrapped itself in a facade of democracy, yet it had not even set foot in its corridor. The weak structure of this supposedly democratic system led to internal conflicts even during elections, deepened the state's weaknesses and limited the nation's development potentials amid foreign interventions. The divisions of Afghan society challenge the American narrative that simply hands the country over to the Taliban. The re-emergence of anti-modern authoritarianism was a gradual process, not a sudden event. Afghanistan lacks strong state authority which dims the prospects for democracy or stability. The lack of state authority and the resistance of rival factions perpetuate the cycle of violence. Escaping this, requires more than temporary changes—it requires leadership and dismantling the norms that fuel this cycle.

AbstractAfter the constitutional revolution, women in the provinces, as well as in the capital, became involved in social activities such as the founding of schools, associations and newspapers. Women in Fārs and the city of Bushehr (which was part of the province during the Pahlavi period) also followed suit. This research attempts to determine the characteristics of women’s first experiences in journalism and the people involved based on a descriptive-analytical method using archival documents. According to the research findings, Shaukat Salami, one of the leading educated women in Bushehr at the beginning of the Pahlavi period, founded the first school for girls in Bushehr with the help of dignitaries and merchants of the city. Later, she published the Nurafshan newspaper to achieve women’s rights and their participation in political and social activities. Although it was a right-wing newspaper, Nurafshan published articles on women’s demands in all its issues.  Introduction  According to the religion of Islam and the verses of the Holy Qur’an, men and women are equal to each other. In the Holy Qur’an, God addresses men and women equally, sends down his instructions and commands to them equally, and does not separate them from each other. In the Qur'an, men and women have the same creation: "O people! Fear your Lord, who created you from a single soul and created your mate from him..." (Al-Nisa', 1). In addition, regarding duties, rewards, and punishments, the Qur'an addresses men and women equally: "So their Lord answered their supplication and [said] I will not allow the action of any of you, male or female, who I will not destroy you from each other" (Al-Imran/195). Also, in the Qur'an, women are equal to men in terms of titles and human and religious benefits: "On the day when you see believing men and women whose light is running ahead of them and to their right, [they will be told:] Today you will be given good tidings of gardens. Under those [trees] streams flow, you will live forever in them; this is a great success" (Al-Hadid/12).  However, various reasons caused Muslims to deviate from the laws of Islam and Iranian women were driven to the interior until the Qajar era. Women were considered the second sex, and atrocities were always allowed against them. Insecurities, avoiding relations with non-intimates and such things were among the causes of restricting women and confining them at home. In the meantime, even the need for literacy was not an issue for women. Of course, the girls of the middle and upper classes of society learned to read and write through the teacher of the house. This situation continued until the middle of the Qajar era, until familiarity with new and western ideas affected the people, and issues such as women's literacy, their greater presence in society, assuming various jobs, and even their free presence in circles and gatherings were raised. In line with these developments, women's opinions also gradually changed. The constitutional revolution is a turning point in changing the status of Iranian women. Not only did they participate in this revolution, but also they were able to gain privileges such as the establishment and expansion of girls' schools in a new style. By being in the community, women found the opportunity to form associations to express their political opinions and demands. They also established a newspaper to convey their voice to men and the whole community. This first started in Tehran and then quickly spread to the cities. The present research aims to answer the question of what was the first journalism experience of women in Fars province and who played a role in this matter. It is obvious that investigating this issue helps us to understand the social history of Bushehr and the process of entry of Bushehr women into the field of science, knowledge and culture. It seems that the actions of Shaukat Salami, one of the leading and educated women living in Bushehr, were very effective in this field. Her pioneering efforts in launching the first girls' school and the first women's newspaper in Bushehr serve as a beacon of hope and inspiration for the future.  Materials and Methods  The current study's research method is based on historical, descriptive, and analytical methods. Our approach is thorough, utilizing archival and library resources and reviewing relevant newspapers, sources, books, and articles. This comprehensive method ensures that we have collected all the necessary information to present a complete picture of Shaukat Salami and Noorafshan newspaper.While no book or article has been published about Shaukat Salami and Noorafshan newspaper, our research is significant because it gathers scattered and limited references from various sources. Sadr Hashemi (1327), in his book History of Journals and Press, mentioned Nourafshan newspaper and the year of its publication. Pari Sheikhul-Islami (1351) also spoke briefly (on one page) about the activities of Shaukat Salami in the book Women in Iran and the World: Women Journalists and Thinkers of Iran. Gholamhossein Salehiar (1351) in the book "The Face of Contemporary Press" has described the identity of Nourafshan newspaper in a few lines. Abu Torabian (1356) also mentioned a series of general information about Nourafshan newspaper in the book of Iranian Press from 1320 to 1326, including the licensee, editors, date of publication, first issue, place of publication, and newspaper position. Qasim Yahosseini (1374) has provided the reader with more information about the Noorafshan newspaper and the life of Shaukat Salami in the book of Bushehr press, a key element in the history of Iranian journalism, compared to the above researches. Siddiqa Babran (1381) also mentioned only the birth certificate of Nourafshan newspaper in the book of special women's publications. Siros Rumi (1388) in his book "Persian press history" has mentioned only the beginning and end years, the type of publication and the name of the director of Nourafshan newspaper. Abdul Karim Mashayikhi (2015) in his book on Bushehr city education, he spoke briefly about the establishment of the first modern girls' school by Hemat Salami, but he did not mention Nourafshan newspaper. Our research, therefore, is a significant contribution to the literature, providing a comprehensive understanding of the first journalistic experience of Persian women during the Pahlavi era  Results and discussionThe first attempt of women to enter the press goes back to the era of the Constitutional Revolution. Despite the societal norms and challenges, they published articles in newspapers such as Majlis, Nedaya Vatan, Habal al-Matin, and Sur Esrafil. At this time, women sent their demands, objections, and criticisms about issues such as women's right to education, the electoral system, and participation in political affairs in the form of open letters to publications and newspapers, and they printed these letters. It should be noted that these letters were often published under pseudonyms, a testament to their perseverance and determination. During the period of the first parliament, women published their demands and opinions through constitutionalist newspapers, but gradually they thought of establishing a newspaper and directly entered the field of journalism. In this way, on 10 Ramadan 1328 AH/15 September 1910, the first women's magazine was published in Tehran under the initiative of Banu Kahal with the title of Danesh newspaper. She was the first female Iranian ophthalmologist who was trained by American missionaries, and received permission to practice medicine from them. In this newspaper, Kahal did not pay attention to political issues and only focused on issues related to women, such as child rearing, housekeeping, husbandry, women's literacy, and hygiene and health issues. The impact of these publications on societal change cannot be overstated, as they brought women's issues to the forefront and paved the way for further progress.Shokoofeh was the second women's magazine that was published in Tehran from Dhu Hijjah 1330 to Dhu Qadah 1334 under the management of Maryam Omid, nicknamed Mozin al-Sultaneh. The policy of this newspaper was also similar to that of Danesh. Zaban Zannan was the third newspaper Siddiqa Dolatabadi published in Isfahan on 20 Shawwal 1919/1337 AH. This newspaper published only women's articles. At first, he paid attention to issues such as housekeeping, health, and husbandry, but then he started to raise political and feminist issues. The next newspaper was Nama Banavan, published in Dhu Qadah 1338/July 1920 in Tehran under the initiative of Shahnaz Azad. In the same year, Alam Nesvan newspapers were published under the management of Nawabe Safavi in ​​Tehran and Jahan Zannan under the efforts of Fakhr Afaq Parsa and his wife in Mashhad. Jamiat Naswan Watankhah Iran magazine was published in Tehran in 1302 under the management of an association with the same name and under the franchisee of Moloch Eskandari. The following newspaper was Naswan Shargh, published by Marzieh Zarrabi in Bandar Anzali in 1304. Pik Saadat Nesvan was also published in 1306 in the city of Rasht under the efforts of Roshank Nooddoost. Finally, the Noorafshan newspaper was published in Bushehr in 1309.The status of women in Bushehr during the Qajar period and early Pahlavi period did not achieve reasonable rights like in other regions of Iran. Men, based on their traditional beliefs, instigated the prohibition of women's presence in the communities. They even believed that teaching women could lead to unhealthy relationships between men and women. However, some nobles and nobles educated their daughters. In this situation, the girls' school "Banat Nesvan" was established in a new style, which Shaukat Salami created as the first female founder of a girls' school in Bushehr. Considering the low-level culture of the society and religious beliefs about the necessity of women's education, the girls' school initially needed to attract more attention. However, with the efforts of Shaukat Salami and mujtahids and clerics, the public attitude towards girls' education gradually changed, and women sent them to this school. Over time, the school had financial problems and was on the verge of closure, but with the help of Armenian founders and modern educational institutions, the financial problem was solved, and the school survived. In addition, with the establishment of elementary and high schools for girls by Salami, women's education was strengthened in Bushehr. Shaukat Salami was an educated and knowledgeable woman of Bushehr who was involved in developing women's education. He worked hard to improve the education of girls in Bushehr, and after his retirement, he went to Shiraz. He died in 1348 after enduring a period of illness.Nourafshan, a newspaper published by Shaukat Salami in Bushehr, attracted the attention of Iranian women's cultural circles. After the murder of his wife, the publication of Nourafshan was closed, but with the cooperation of Seyyed Ali Behbahani, it was republished, and finally, facing the warning of the Ministry of Education, Shaukat Salami was issued permission to publish it in 1322. The Ministry of Culture, General Directorate of Writing, approved the Nourafshan newspaper Bushehr to be published under the editorship of Mrs. Shaukat Salami. Its content included local news, advertisements, and scientific and historical materials. The newspaper also published government announcements and scientific articles. However, there is no complete archive of this newspaper, and only three issues are accessible in the National Library and Tehran Document Center archives. Other issues are not found in other archives. Conclusion Shaukat Salami is among the pioneering Iranian women to have overseen a newspaper publication in Fars following the constitutional revolution and during the initial Pahlavi era. Beyond her involvement in journalism, Shaukat Salami was a prominent advocate for girls' education and literacy. She achieved a significant milestone by establishing the first modern-style girls' school in Bushehr. Subsequently, she embarked on the groundbreaking venture of launching the Nourafshan newspaper, marking a watershed moment in women's journalism in Fars. Despite being commonly characterized as right wing and conservative in her political leanings, her enduring legacy of establishing a school for girls and championing women's literacy underscores her intellect and erudition. Shaukat Salami understood the pivotal role of fostering female literacy as the initial stride in liberating women from ignorance. Therefore, her establishment of a girls' school heralded a new era of literacy in Bushehr.

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