Intellectual foundations and theoretical principles of the parties in the process of policy-making are of particular importance. So that, the effects of these principles could be seen during operational policies and observed in practices. Both reformists and FUNDAMENTALISTS parties inserted their ideological and intellectual principles as inputs in the foreign policy system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. After analysis in the system, which has its own set of principles and rules certain policies are carried out. By comparing the inputs that two parties inserted to the system and outputs that appeared we understand methods of two parties were different about the nuclear program but according to the general foreign policy principles of the system of Islamic Republic of Iran, their goal was identical. The purpose of this article is to review and analyze reformists and FUNDAMENTALISTS methods to achieve Peaceful nuclear program according to the system theory.

This article aims to explain how Islamic fundamentalism in Central Asia could challenge Afghan national security following the withdrawal of international forces. In this paper, the authors focusing on two jihadi Islamists groups in Central Asia, called the IMU (Islamic movement of Uzbekistan) and Islamic Jihad Union (Islamic Jihadism of Uzbekistan) believe that high adaptability in the wake of forced migration in Waziristan, Pakistan, since 2001, soft structural changes that occurred over the years in these groups, and relationship with Jihadist groups in Waziristan, Pakistan contribute to the growing power of these groups. Such that the absence of a stable political institution by international forces in Afghanistan, and consequently the weakness and lack of clear strategy in the wake of America's withdrawal from Afghanistan, two- faction split between ethnic groups in northern Afghanistan, and lack of a charismatic leader on the one hand, as well as cohesion and solidarity among the Central Asian militant jihadi groups, on the other, has turned them into potentially dangerous groups. It can be a wake-up call for the region, in addition, it carries the signs of intentions of these groups to make Afghanistan insecure and to return to Central Asia. Our hypothesis in this paper is that the Central Asian Islamic fundamentalist groups, i.e. the Islamic Movement and Islamic Jihad Union, are serious threats to stability and security in Afghanistan and potentially dangerous for countries of the region in the wake of the withdrawal of international forces since 2014. This paper measures the probability of the hypothesis, that is, whether these groups are dangerous or not.

Introduction: Jihad is a critical concept which Islamic FUNDAMENTALISTS are interperate it in fatal ways. Jihad is defined in classic Islamic texts precisely that Shia and Sunni are not challenged about it. Women have not had main role in Jihad before emergence of ISIS in Middle East. Materials and Methods: The methodology considered in the paper is qualitative and the method used to analyze jihad is a comparativehistorical method. As the specificity of the women's presence in jihad in the Islamic world is significant in the study, relying on traditional totalitarian historical interpretations does not clarify the aspects of the phenomenon, and we used the genealogical method to examine it. Findings: By studying the classical texts on jihad, we discovered the women's status as a starting point or zero in genealogical analysis, which is childbearing and marriage, and finally a trip to the house of God based on the historical documents of female jihad. Mohammad Khair heikal's book was a breakpoint in women jihad discourse that is accelerate women participations in Jihad. Conclusion: In this paper, we have shown the selective form of narrations and history in line with today's goals by jihadi theorists to involve women in jihad to some extent. Feminists are argued about women recruitment in ISIS that is made resistance point in Jihad discourse. Although most Jihadist ideologists are insisted in unparticipating women in Jihad.

In Syria and Yemen, the apparent power of ethnic and religious groups has led to civil war, rooted in the identity issues of these societies. Under the consensus cultural variable is the component of identity, which is one of the main factors and the foundation of the so-called Arab Spring developments. The majority of Arab societies suffer from the lack of national identity due to the plurality of ethnic and religious groups, which puts some groups in a superior political position and pushes others to the margins. Identity is at the top of the Arab developments, and other factors are placed below it. Even the difference in the process of developments in these societies is due to the identity issue. The aim of this research is to investigate the role of identity in the formation, results, and trends of recent developments in the Arab Middle East using constructivism in a descriptive and analytical way. The article's main question is, "What effect has the identity and identitarianism of ethnic and religious groups of Arab societies had on the formation and process of recent developments of these societies?" The findings indicate that the social structure of most Arab societies is very plural. Muslim groups in Arab countries are not cohesive, and there are many religious sects that fuel the religious divide of these societies. The biggest gap is between Shia and Sunni. The difference in the fundamentals of the belief principles of the various Sunni sects has led to their identity split. The Brotherhood, Salafism, and radical fundamentalism are the most effective identity discourses of the Sunni sect, which, along with the Shiites, try to spread their intellectual values and norms in Arab societies. The most prominent ethnic divide is related to the Kurdish ethnicity, which in countries such as Syria and Iraq pursue a different identity from the Arab ethnic groups due to their cultural values. Due to the lack of common norms in Arab societies, a common identity has not been formed in these countries, and we are facing a plurality of identities that are rooted in contradictions and conflicts. This is why during the Arab developments, three groups of FUNDAMENTALISTS, Shiites, and Kurds have become highly active in the analysis of identity action, and it is not possible to solve the crises of these societies without considering their demands. When the political units do not pay attention to the intellectual, perceptive, normative, and identity components of the citizens, it is natural that conflicts between the government and the society will be created. This is what has been objectified in the Arab societies of the Middle East. The Arab totalitarian governments, by creating a fence around themselves, have actually limited the political and economic structure to their families and those around them and do not care about other peoples. Therefore, what was formed in the Arab Middle East in 2011 cannot be unrelated to the ethnic-religious intellectual and normative patterns of this region. Even the trends and differences in the developments of Arab societies are not unrelated to the plural identity of these societies. The more cohesive the country is in terms of social structure, the faster the social movement ends, and we do not witness civil war or the presence of other countries in the course of the developments of these societies. A clear example of that is Egypt and Tunisia, where the overthrow of the governments resulted in relative peace in a short period of time. The lack of active ethnic-religious identities and their relatively coherent social structure caused the shortness of the transition period, low violence, and non-intervention of other countries in the course of the developments of these societies. However, identity pluralism in some societies such as Syria, Yemen, and to some extent Libya pushed the developments in another direction. In these societies, the depth of the identity difference is such that none of the parties backed down from their position, and the protests progressed towards civil war and widespread crisis. The identity and ideological war stemming from dry religious interpretations led to widespread violence in societies such as Syria, Iraq, and Yemen. The presence of active identity groups in the developments of these societies followed the reaction of transnational actors in the field of supporting identity groups close to them, which ultimately results in the prolongation of the crisis and proxy wars.  

It seems that the Arabic linguists are unfamiliar with the literal language that is not available to many of them, so that they will be able to find out in this field of jurisprudence discussions in lexical and inventive research. While they have a great role to play in lexical theory, and this is the discussion of the implications of sentences and the opposite of it. Scientists have studied some aspects of semantics (the argumentation), but these studies did not cover all the efforts of the principals in this regard. This research has been the subject of a dissertation, newsletter and interview between the news and the subject, and they have been implemented in the light of the prominent literary and verbal views that resulted in five theories, each with its own basis and arguments. Then the controversy over the famous comments of the syntacticians was made by Razi Estar Abadi. Then, Shahid Sadr's controversy on the theory of unity which is also the proof of the two sentences of the writings, which is the opinion of Kefayeh, was investigated. It has been noted that there is a difference between the two sentences even in their abstract status. Khoei believes in the implication of compositional and predicative sentence expressing sensual, like inform what happened in predicative sentence and not inform in compositional sentence that rejected by Shahid Sadr then criticizes four protests of Khoei to the famous opinion that it’s same implication of two sentences over full relation and has approved the famous opinion. Finally Shahid Sadr believes in the opinion of comparative relation. The comparative relation shares between two notions, first, the comparative relation in terms of the condition of realization that it’s in predicative sentence, second, to hold true in question world as its question in sentence, third, to hold true in aspiration world in aspiration sentence. Hashemi Shahroudi continued the way of his teacher (Shahid Sadr) and examined the issues of teacher and believe in the content of verb clause in creating relation.

True understanding of political issues requires exact knowledge of the nature of involved political groups in a particular period of time. This paper aims to apply sociological approach to the political trend in the fourth decade of Islamic Revolution with the purpose of better understanding of political views and the stands of political parties in the Iranian political scene.

One of the most challenging things about modern Islamic movements, these movements are involved in the formation of identity. Given that the thinkers and theorists such as Castells, Jurgen Habermas, and Alain Touraine identity in the era of globalization and is central to. Therefore, the formation of identity, purpose and behavior patterns of the new social movements, including Islamic neo-FUNDAMENTALISTS is essential. Nevertheless analysts, scholars Islamic movements such as Castells, Demejian, Esposito and Oliver Roy is one of the main reasons behind the formation of the modern movement, including Moderate movements and movements such as the Taliban and al-Qaida, the Islamic world of Western reaction to Muslim nations, policies, strategies Islamophobia in the West, the Western media humiliation Islamic identity, religious identity, and back. . . . Is In fact, about the origins of modern Islamic movements and behavior of classical movements to factors such as globalization, westernization, the West's policy towards. To project Islam as Islamophobia, Muslims in the West and degrading treatment, contrary to the cultural identity of the Muslim West (Clash of Civilizations), violent attacks against Islamic countries including America West, West's support of the Zionist regime, identity challenges in Islamic countries, and. . . . noted.

Since the victory of Islamic Republic of Iran up to now, there emerged two significant and effective intellectual and political currents. The first current which could be called from intellectual dimension as “Juristic Islamism Current” and from political dimension as “Fundamentalism current”, got its climax political power in first and third decades of Islamic Revolution and it still keeps its power today. In contrast, the second current which could be called from intellectual dimension as “religious new thinkers” and from political aspect as the “Reformism current” reached its climax political power in the second decade of Revolution and from then on its is declining.The main purpose of this article is to comparatively review these two currents regarding the issue of women’s rights, particularly in relation to their political participation and its main hypothesis is as follows: “the different intellectual and religious principles of these two currents caused an inconsistency in their position toward the issue of women’s rights, particularly in relation to their political participations. To evaluate this hypothesis, using the descriptiveanalytical method, it is tried to review intellectual and religious alphabets of these two currents and compare particularly these two in relation to political participation and family. The findings of this research shows that their attitudes toward the issue of women’s rights have significant differences in one hand, and in other hand, these differences are basically due to their different but inflexible interpretations of religion.

The conditional cases are of two types: the original which is called the agreeing case or the spoken case and the second one is sub-content which is called obligatory case or the concept of the conditional case. On the other hand, the conditional cases are the ones used mostly in the Islamic texts because we believe that the concept of conditionality comes before other concepts in the science of principles of jurisprudence. According to the FUNDAMENTALISTS, if the matter in question is one of the sharia texts, it is not permissible for the person to rule, so that the ruling will not go away after the issue has disappeared, thus the case has the concept of the spoken case. But this is a matter of congruence with the well-known fundamentalist building on the status of the expression in question. In order to solve the problem, many FUNDAMENTALISTS tried to present the appropriate evidence, but these arguments do not help to prove the concept of condition and from here this question arises on the surface: "How can the concept of condition be adopted in the conditional cases, where the structure of the bodies is not inconsistent with the one who says the concept in the conditional cases? " To remove this conflict and to arrive at a robust answer, we followed the analytical and descriptive method of tracing through the traceability of the FUNDAMENTALISTS in the specialized libraries of jurisprudence and assets. However, as we have shown in the article, attempts and solutions by major FUNDAMENTALISTS have not solved the problem, and the result is that the only solution is to disavow the famous foundation on the status of expression.

The matter of art and beauty has been deliberated upon as one of the inherent aspects of human life in various religions, accordingly, a main part of art in diverse societies has advanced around religious art. An imperative share of the history of Shiism has been devoted to the confrontation of Akhabri and fundamentalist scholars. The effects of this confrontation are generally beyond the scope of view and have manifested themselves in various forms in historical periods. Each of these sects have at times attempted to isolate the other party in the field of thought and action, and at times due to the necessities have reached coexistence. With the rise of the Qajar dynasty, the FUNDAMENTALISTS and the followers of the Akhbari opinion returned to politics after a long period of segregation and renewed previous rivalries. However, the confrontation between the FUNDAMENTALISTS and the Akhbaris was their last serious opposition. Art and beauty are one of the vital features of society and as a central issue, study in this field is considered significant from the viewpoint of Akhbari and Ijtihad Islamic jurisprudence. This research is accomplished via a descriptive and analytical method by relying on library data. The findings of the study indicate that the FUNDAMENTALISTS and the Akhbaris both had a positive and supportive view of the issue of art, its dimensions and beauty, considering the basic principles of Islam and the Hadiths remained from the Imams.