abstractIntroduction: Politics feeds from various sources, among which the philosophy of history has always been considered one of the most important sources. The present study aims to address the question of how the philosophy of ancient Iranian history determines politics in the Iranian urban thought. In fact, understanding what and how the philosophy of ancient Iran's history influences the political thought of Iranshahri is the main problem of the present research.Methods: In order to answer the main question, the present research aims to examine the texts in which the theoretical foundations of ancient Iran are reflected. Such texts are either from the sources of the primary texts of ancient Iran or from the sources of secondary analyzes made from them. In this case, the main problem is to understand or evaluate the understandings made from such texts. For this reason, the text-based interpretation method is used, which is in the range of hermeneutic methods.Results and discutions: Iranshahri's philosophy of history can be divided and analyzed into four parts: the beginning of existence, the driving engine of history, the course of history, and the end of history. The findings of the present research show that the conflict in the past started from the conflict of Hormuzd and Ahriman and it is manifested in different levels of history, which is also formed in the earthly politics in the same framework. Time is considered as a trick of Zervan to defend the kingdom of the world from Ahriman, the driving factor of Iranshahri history, which the course of history and the passage of time increases the power of Hormuzd and his forces and destroys the reign of Ahriman. Politics in Gitti is based on the first conflict and is controlled by time, which is influenced by the initial agreement of Zarvan. Every action has a deadline that cannot be violated. Therefore, time acquires a completely political character. Time goes beyond the passive container of events and becomes a determinative activity that creates the stages of history.Conclusion: In Iranshahri's thought, the philosophy of history is the basis governing all other intellectual principles, and the order of all spheres of political and social life is affected by it. Basically, with the historical determinism that exists in the nature of this thought, political and social life is determined by relying on it. In this field, "time" is a compelling factor and the main carrier of events throughout history, and man is the only actor whose role-playing has been used in the framework of an eternal play. This is the time that has a political character and plays the main role in advancing the battle between Ahuraians and demons. It is the duality of being Ahurai/demon that casts a shadow over everything, left no tolerance in between and made human life only a path for struggle. The constant battle between good and evil is such that it becomes the main driving factor of history. The political affairs of Iranshahri have also been caught in the framework of these dualities and forced to create an irreconcilable situation for the world of Iranshahri, and according to this, in Iranshahri's thought, man lives in a "political situation"; A situation that has always put humans on one side of these two and they are always facing otherness. The philosophy of history has also determined the turning points and fundamental moments of change in the world. Here, politics is not the result of the complete will of rulers and actors, but the result of the will of time, which is realized.

برای شناخت سیاست خارجی جمهوری اسلامی ایران، عوامل و مولفه های نشأت گرفته از ماهیت نظام بین الملل، جهان در حال توسعه، نظام های انقلابی، سرشت اسلامی انقلاب ایران و نظام سیاسی برخاسته از آن که در تعامل با یکدیگر سیاست خارجی ایران را شکل می دهند، باید ملاحظه گردد. جنبش های معاصر در جهان اسلام در زمینه تحولات انقلابی توانسته چشم انداز جدیدی جهت اثرگذاری انقلاب اسلامی ایران در توسعه این حرکت ها ایجاد نماید. زمینه های مشابهی همچون ضدیت با اسرائیل، مقابله با نظام سلطه و افزایش هویت بین انقلاب اسلامی و اتفاقات منطقه وجود دارد. همین موضوع می تواند در کنار ظرفیت های عدالت محوری و سلطه ستیزانه انقلاب، یک الگوی کامل برای این تحولات در مسیر ایجاد نظام های مردمی محسوب شود. در این میان، جایگاه حمایت های آشکار ایران از خیزش های مقاومت در منطقه و سیاست های ایران در قبال تحرکات رژیم صهیونیستی و در مقابل، ناکارآمدی سران جهان اسلام در برابر این رژیم، ایجاد حکومتی مردمی را نظیر آنچه در ایران بر سر کار است در میان ملت های منطقه، تقویت کرده است. این مقاله سعی نموده است با روش تحلیلی و با مراجعه به منابع اسنادی به این سؤال پاسخ دهد که الگوی انقلاب اسلامی چه رابطه ای با جنبش های اسلامی معاصر دارد.

Introduction: With the success of Masoud Pezeshkian as the 9th President of Islamic Republic of Iran and the importance of recognizing the possible foreign policy changes in the upcoming four-year period (1403-1407), the main question of this paper is what will be the most important paths of the foreign policy change in this Period? In answer to this question, based on the “synthetic model of foreign policy change”, the hypothesis of this research is that there are three general paths for Iran's foreign policy change in the 14th administration (new alternative inputs from domestic or international sources, finding pre-existing inputs into the foreign policy decision-making apparatus and finally changes in narrative by foreign policy decision-makers. So, the main aim of this research is a theoretical aim, focusing on the paths of in Iran's foreign policy change during the 14th administration.Methods: This research is explanatory research in which the data analysis will be through the adaptation of the proposed conceptual model with the case study. The conceptual framework of this research is focusing on the concept of " foreign policy change" and the theoretical models and literature about it. Research data have also been collected through virtual sources (English articles) and documents.Results and Discussion: The research findings and the main argument of the proposed model of this research is that the foreign policy change can take place through any of the three paths. There are influencing variables under each of these paths. These variables, which include material and semantic variables and are located at domestic and international levels, determine the paths of change. For example, windows of opportunity, external shocks and events and new environmental pressures (incentives and punishments) are three important international and material factors in the form of independent variables and as new inputs. If these variables are understood by the mental framework of new foreign policy decision makers (mediating variable), they can cause changes in Iran's foreign policy (dependent variable). On the other hand, the different understanding of the new decision-makers in the 14th administration as the intellectual and cognitive influencing factors (independent variable and as new inputs) is important in creating different outputs of foreign policy (dependent variable). The second path examines the already existing alternative inputs to the decision-making apparatus of the 14th administration. If these inputs are not interpreted differently by new decision makers (intermediary variable), they can cause continuity or minor changes in foreign policy. The third path is through the manipulation of certain elements within the main narrative that the Iranian defines for themselves, by foreign policy decision makers, which makes the policy change legitimate and possible for the audience.Conclusion: The first conclusion of the research is that for the accurate analysis of the possible paths of change in foreign policy of 14th administration, it is necessary to consider the elements of three paths simultaneously. On the other hand, any of these paths of change can lead to changes in the goals/tools or both in the direction of Iran's foreign policy. The extent of change can include radical change or minor changes in one or more specific areas.

National currencies go through a tortuous path to rise to the international level, which, while requiring some economic preconditions inside and outside a country, leaves an undeniable impact on the international power of a government. . Currency diplomacy, as a tool that regulates the international financial power of a country, has now become one of the most important issues in international political economy. Although the scope of this discussion is wide, the main issue of this article is to explain the emergence of international financial powers. Indeed, what tools does foreign exchange diplomacy have to achieve this goal? The study of China's foreign exchange diplomacy shows that Beijing follows three levels of foreign exchange diplomacy including unilateral, bilateral and multilateral. At every level of its foreign exchange diplomacy, China has followed a range of measures, including offshore hub building, capital export, exchange rate management, etc., which has finally managed to change the position of the yuan from the national and peripheral levels to the regional level. Belt-way upgrade. Although many believe that the path taken by China is different from that of the dollar or sterling, the evidence shows that if China's economic growth and stability continue, the realization of the internationalized yuan will not be far from expected. The results of the research show that the interaction with China for countries like Iran should follow the path of multilateral to bilateral monetary agreements. The findings show that China uses various political and economic mechanisms to promote its international financial power. Two key factors have played a key role in the success of digitalization of the yuan, which includes the Belt and Road initiative and the creation of an extraterritorial hub that China Congo and other countries have created. Hank Gang's financial headquarters in Ibtikari has launched a multi-sided digital exchange bridge, which is called M-Bridge. Based on this plan, China, Hong Kong, Thailand, the Emirates and the Bank for International Settlements, using this initiative, were able to transfer nearly 171 million Hong Kong dollars on the multilateral currency bridge in 2022. Also, the Chinese have significant opportunities for the promotion of digital yuan in the Belt and Road initiative. Since many southern countries lack the financial infrastructure to match the dollar, transfers will be complicated and expensive. Therefore, if China wants to use the digital yuan in the new Silk Road, which is a complement to the Belt and Road initiative, and in the form of which China exports its technologies to countries that are looking for a leap, countries receiving loans from this They use the opportunity to replace the digital yuan by reducing the reliance on the dollar. Two key factors have played a key role in the success of the digitalization of the yuan, which includes the Beltway initiative and the creation of extraterritorial hubs that China has created in Hong Kong and other countries. Hank Gang's financial headquarters in Ibtikari has launched a multi-sided digital exchange bridge, which is called M-Bridge. Based on this plan, China, Hong Kong, Thailand, the Emirates and the Bank for International Settlements, using this initiative, were able to transfer nearly 171 million Hong Kong dollars on the multilateral currency bridge in 2022. Also, the Chinese have significant opportunities for the promotion of digital yuan in the Belt and Road initiative. Since many southern countries lack the financial infrastructure to match the dollar, transfers will be complicated and expensive.

استراتژی دریایی یکی از مهمترین ابعاد استراتژی ملی قدرت های بزرگ به حساب می آید. این مساله اگرچه با تحول ماهوی قدرت در سیاست جهانی، اهمیتی را که آلفرد ماهان در «تاثیر و نفوذ قدرت دریایی در تاریخ» مطرح کرده بود را از دست داده است اما در دو دهه اخیر مجددا به عرصه رقابت ژئوپلیتیک قدرت های بزرگ بازگشته است. در این میان، اقیانوس هند و شکل گیری ائتلاف بندی های جدیدی مانند کواد و آکوس در آن را می توان نقطه عزیمت جدیدی در بازی قدرت های جهانی دانست. در این راستا، این مقاله به این سوال اصلی پرداخته است که اقیانوس هند چه جایگاهی در معادلات ژئوپلیتیک قدرت های دریایی با تاکید بر گروه بندی های کواد و آکوس دارد؟ یافته های این پژوهش که به روش توصیفی- تحلیلی صورت گرفته نشان دهنده انتقال تدریجی مرکز ثقل اقتصاد و سیاست جهانی از اقیانوس اطلس به اقیانوس هند-آرام است که در پرتو ائتلاف بندی های نظامی و امنیتی جدید به تشدید رقابت و تنش میان قدرت های بزرگ دریایی منجر خواهد شد.

The present article compares the theory and experience of urban politics and diplomacy in modernization in two different periods of Pahlavi II and Islamic Republic. One of the goals of the foreign policy of any country, in general, is the development of the sphere of influence. The sphere of influence also means the formation of spaces for presenceThe meaning of sphere of influence is the formation of spaces for the visible and invisible presence of a country so that it can promote the values it cares about. This article is of a descriptive and analytical type and tries to examine and analyze the policies of the governments in the second Pahlavi period and the Islamic Republic in a documentary way and in the context of the discussion of urban diplomacy.

Failure to achieve the expected goals and consequences in the social society turns the issue of seeking the law and evasion of the law into a complex social issue influenced by legal and historical. In this article, the tension between religious order and international law with regard to the application of religious sovereignty through the supervisory body of the Guardian Council and by using Weber's theory of religion and rights, it was determined to what extent the political system can resolve this tension with the right of protection. Shariah supervision has been agreed upon. The findings show that there is a serious conflict between the rule of Sharia and modern laws in international law, on the one hand, the issue of the priority of government rulings over Sharia rulings has been a pretext for the expedient application of domestic and international laws, and on the other hand, the number of international treaties that despite There are not a few contradictions of the Shari'ah that have been approved according to the needs of the day,As a result, the function of Sharia supervision of the Guardian Council as an institution that legitimizes laws cannot be seen as effective, because this institution has caused the politicization of social and cultural rights by interfering with religious considerations on laws instead of benefiting from collective wisdom.

Modeling the behavior of policymakers and monetary authorities in relation to macroeconomic conditions is crucial for economists. Estimating the reaction function of monetary policy to the out gap and inflation gap has become one of the most important issues for this reason. In this regard, the current study used continuous wavelet transform and multiple coherence tools, partial coherence, partial phase difference, and partial wavelet gain to evaluate Iran's monetary policy in the time-frequency domain from 1988 to 2021. The results indicate that the reaction function of monetary policy in addressing the inflation gap has been inefficient, which reflects the central bank's lack of independence and the contagion of macroeconomic imbalances to the monetary base. If the short-run horizon and the years 2013-2014 were considered, a rule based, and counter-cyclical response was implemented. In other periods and years, it has been reported that monetary policy has no effect or is discretionary, resulting in an increase in inflation deviation. During the years 2000-2008 and 2013-2014, regular and stabilizing monetary policy was observed during business cycles with a horizon of more than eight years. In spite of this, the monetary policy has not been able to fulfill its mandate in the common horizon of business cycles (4-8 years), where the counter-cyclical reaction becomes more essential to the output gap.

As the discussion of cryptocurrency and electronic money became widespread and became accessible to the general public, the government and parliament sought to adopt a criminal policy due to the potential challenges posed by cryptocurrency and electronic money from a legal, financial, and economic perspective. In this study, which is organized using a descriptive-analytical method, the aim of the study was to examine Iran's criminal policy towards electronic money and cryptocurrencies, and the issues raised revolve around answering the main question of what Iran's criminal policy is in relation to electronic money and cryptocurrencies. The findings and results of the research indicate that the outcome of the government and parliament's stance and reaction to cryptocurrencies, especially Bitcoin, has not been sufficiently clear and transparent, and currently, the transparency that exists in other countries regarding cryptocurrencies cannot be compared to Iranian law, and it cannot be placed, for example, under the criminal policy of absolute prohibition with the criminal policy of observation and evaluation, etc. Iran's criminal policy approach was positive for a period of time, especially until 2018, and even investment in this area was welcomed, but gradually, jurisprudential challenges based on usury and embezzlement were raised, and then two different and different stances were adopted by the parliament, and later the central bank and the government also added to this ambiguity.