Wahhabism, a relatively new sect founded in the birthplace of Islam, is getting greater int1uence in other Islamic countries because of the strong political and economical support it gets. Considering that its followers think to be the only ones to know the truth and consider other Muslims as heretics, polytheist and out of the domain of Islam, the importance of a careful study of the principles of this branch of Islam is unquestionable. This article gives first a short biography of the founder of this sect, Muhammad b. Abd al-Wahhab. Then, by referring as far as it can, to sayings and works of Muhammad b. Abd al-Wahhab, it discusses his opinions about unity of God (towl;dd) , recourse to God (tavassul), intercession (Siftia), innovation (bida) and accusation of heresy against other Muslims (takflr) . The validity of theses opinions is afterwards investigated.

Man and woman as human have similar duties and rights but based on the physical, moral and behavioral differences between man and woman, created by God, distinctive duties and rights have been introduced for woman. These distinctive duties and rights for woman has caused some extremist views about woman presented by some extremist groups who have very extremist theology, methodology and intellectual foundations. These extremist groups having a minimalistic attitude together with going to extremes, go beyond the frames of true religion and make a lot of limits for women. Wahhabism as one these extremist artificial Islamic groups in contemporary history, by prioritizing Naql (Narrations and Hadith) to Aql (reason) and preferring the authoritativeness of the prophet’s companions sayings (Hujjiyyat-e Qawl-e Sahaba) have decreased the nature of woman as an object so that they deny many individual, social and political rights of woman although these rights exist and have been recognized by true Islamic Sharia and revelation. In other words, they deprive woman of her natural and divine rights and bar her from different activities in different areas. The present paper by benefiting from an analytic and attributive method tries to explain the area of social and political freedom of women’s activities from Wahhabism perspective.

Today Wahhabis is one of the most important radical movements that has been formed and operated in most of the countries of the Islamic world. Nowadays, this movement has also been inflicted by political motives. The Autonomous Republic of Chechen is among regions affected by this radical movement, particularly at the time of war and strained relations with Russia. Wahhabism that is against several and various schools of thought like “Sufism”, has had no compromise with this creed in the past two centuries. Moreover, we witness the influence of this school of thought in this territory and its direct impact on various events like the crisis in Chechnya. Due to the importance of studying these religious movements in Chechnya and their impacts on its crisis, this article seeks to find out how Wahhabism has influenced Chechnya crisis. It seems that Wahhabism has deteriorated Chechnya’s crisis through material, moral and educational support as well as dissemination of ideology of the extremist leaders. Findings of the article show that Wahhabism is certainly one of the important and effective factors on Chechnya’s crisis that has played a significant role in Chechnya by sewing sedition, extremism, meddling in political affairs, arming its partisans and disobeying the official authorities.

Wahhabism and Deobandi are similar to each other, since both claimants are acting according to their predecessors and elders, and in their primitive look, they have similarities, such as the topics of tawhid, jihad, Islamic caliphate, and religious extremism, but in fact There is a fundamental contradiction between them in the terms of a basic view and cannot be equated with the two in the same way that they reject the belief in each other's books because the existential philosophy of Wahhabism is in contradiction with the jurisprudential, theological and mystical passages, while The school of the Deobandi defends these sciences. The future research is based on commonalities such as referring to the predecessor, caliphate, monotheism, jihad, and differences such as Shefa'at, Tavassol, pilgrimage of graves, and the life after death, from these two schools, from a descriptive-analytical approach to divergence and convergence These two forms of thought have been considered.

The present study intends to explain the Wahabist paradoxes of the great challenge between preserving the appearances and the Salafist manner of life on the one hand, and accepting the unceasing and inevitable human advancements on the other hand. The present study is library-based in collecting information and uses descriptive-analytical method. The findings indicate that there are many contradictions and ambiguities in many aspects of social life and Islamic activities in Saudi Arabia, of which one may refer to: the contradictions of the necessity of staying in the past and the necessity of passing from the past, the attitude to the woman`s dignity and cover, the attitude towards the veil, the encounter with the achievements of the new civilization, elections and democracy. As explained in the study, the origin of all these paradoxes is the retrogressivism, inflexibility and irrationality of Wahhabism, and an emphasis on narrativism and opposition to the manifestations of a new civilization and denial of ta`wil, which governs the attitudes and mental principles of the Salafist movement.

Abd al-Rahman Jabarti (1168-1240/1756-1825) described the very delicate and important period of pre-modern Islamic history in his book “Aja’ib al-Athar fi’l al- Tarajim wa’l-Akhbar”. The very First colonial activities of Europeans, the appearance of independence tendencies in Egypt, against the Ottomans and the advent of Wahabism in Hijaz, are the main issues which have been critically analyzed and documented by Jabarti. Unfortunately, there is no detailed and relible study on this issue in Persian. Thus, in this article, we introduce and analyze the specific opinions of Jabarti in the context of the historiography of Egypt. Also, our purpose in the second part of article, which deals with the Wahabi history, is to irradiate a new concept on history of First Saudi State with careful analyzis of the documents of Ottoman Archive in Turkey.

This study examines the Tawhid from the perspective of Imam Ali (PBUH) in Nahj al-Balagha, which compares the views of Imam Ali (PBUH) and what Wahhabism has been stated as Tawhid, so that the difference between these two views can be clarified as Imam Ali (PBUH) has deprived the divine nature of God from any idolatry in essence and has described Him free of body and composition in solitude, but Wahhabism has given a sense of unity that, the divine nature of God as a physical being, comes to earth and sits on the seat next to the Prophet (peace be upon him). Therefore in Wahhabism God is the same as human being. This research, in a descriptive-analytical way, examines the differences between these two points of view, and highlights the importance of the approaches Imam Ali (PBUH) over Wahhabi perspective

Wahhabism has been acted as an identical and religious key factor to maintain the political and legitimacy of the Saudi's government. On the later of 1980-1990s, in response to a number of dissatisfaction as well as internal and external factors, the Islamist opposition movement have been arisen which finally, led to the skepticism in the religious foundations of the Saudi’ s political legitimacy. With the occurrence of Arab Spring as well as the implementation of (initial draft of) 2030 Plan, critical Islamist divisions to the Saudi government were intensified as well as alliance between the government and the Wahhabi scholars were faced the initial divisions. The present study attempts to answer the two following questions through using explanatory and analytical methods 1. What have been the most significant political challenges of Saudi government with the Islamist critics such as Islamist awakening movement (ASSAHVEH), Ikhvan and Jihadists since 1990s, especially in the Arab spring era? 2. What will be the political consequence of the 2030 Plan for the political legitimacy of Saudi Arabia government? The hypothesis confirms the research findings. The findings indicate that modernization in various fields, especially education, leads to the rise of the critic and reformist Islamist groups. These groups were emerged in the response to the government supports for the US-led coalition in the 1991 Gulf War, political obstruction as well as socio-political dissatisfactions took a critical stance on the government which this situation was gradually exacerbated by the Arab Spring. However, the aggressive ambitious and destructive reform plan against the religious institution stipulated in the 2030 Plan (Document), especially concerning social freedoms and women's rights, as well as scholars were neglected by Ben Salman led to the major challenges between the Wahhabi scholars or Wahhabi Supreme Council and the Saudi government which are likely exacerbated in the future.

Some verses of the Holy Quran ascribe attributes to God, the Almighty. This ascription has led to similitude and embodiment. The nature of these attributes has been one of the constant concerns of Quran scholars from the beginning of the spread of the knowledge of interpretation until today. Having these concerns in mind, the commentators have interpreted these verses according to their beliefs and theological schools of thought. Research findings indicate that there are two mainstream ‘ rational’ and ‘ literal’ approaches in regard with the declarative attributes; Wahhabism belongs to the second approach and they consider their opinion as an original Islamic view and others' views as heretic. The Shiite scholars have criticized the Wahhabis' view and by referring the ambiguous verses to the unequivocal ones, giving precedence to rational reasonings over narration-based accounts, making use of the verbal and affirmative connotations in understanding and interpreting the relevant verses. They believe in the theory of "proof by interpretation", "objectivity of attributes and essence" and the theory of "purification". Given those three theories they interpret the declarative attributes.

This article is aimed at examining the relationship between Saudi Arabia’ s political system and its religious establishment. Such a study can help better understand Saudi political and social policies in both domestic and foreign arenas. Through the study of the power and influence of religious scholars in Saudi Arabia at the official and social levels, I discuss the approach with which the political system acts towards demands of youth, women, minorities, as well as international demands and pressures for the advancement of reforms. The question I seek to answer in this article is how and why the relationship between Saudi Arabia’ s political system and the religious establishment has changed over time. The hypothesis is that the relationship between the two has dramatically shifted over the past century due to the gradual decline in the religious establishment’ independent character as well as the political system’ s desire to control it, giving way to the replacement of the traditional “ Wahhabi state” with a "quasi-Wahhabi state" that uses Wahhabism as a tool (legitimizer) against its rivals and opponents. In other words, this relationship has gradually benefited the political system, and the religious establishment has become a dependent institute of the political power. This process was consolidated during the reign of King Salman in a way that intensified the religious establishment’ s adherence to the political system and making it passive like never before.