The Brothers Party was one of the POLITICAL parties founded after shahrivar (September) in 1320 H.S. (1941). This party was based on 12 articles which can be summarized in one statement: "Keeping Iran's independence under the protection of shia Jafari religion". The party identified itself as a TheoPOLITICAL party which may have officially begun work in the year 1321 H.S. (1942). According to the 14 article agreement, the party had a central committee including 12 people AND 10 agent.Nonetheless, it was virtually based on the infrastructure of a religious party. Although the party comprised of many members, it was generally led by only one individual. Consequently, a few party -like conventional activities could be found within this party. The central members of the party did not seem too keen of following the disciplines of a social organization.This party believed AND emphasized on the fact that religious rules must be applied with the government acting as the enforcing agent. They also believed that their very responsibility was to fight against transgressions, antireligious beliefs, AND atheism. The party also had POLITICAL intentions to takeover powerful institutions. However, they showed no loyalty to the principles brought forth in their agreement.The personal characteristics of the party leader AND his strong relations to the clerics' family initially attracted many to the party. Yet, the strong desire for power among the leaders of the party AND the creation of disarray between the youth AND the clerics left the party devoid of the wise AND the famous. Having new ideas AND acceptable social achievements in the early days of its advent, reflected the party as an intellectual group. However, the party's position on the nationalization of oil movement AND Mosaddegh's Ministry was lenient toward the shah AND the kingdom which eventually led to dishonor AND disgrace.

Ghahreman Shiri∗Although Hindi style has been apparently used in the most non-POLITICAL poetic period in Iranian literature, in fact most of its principle features have been formed in reaction to cultural policies of Safavid era. Intricate imageries AND reasoning characteristics are in response to superficiality AND shallowness of the people. An attempt to discover tenor AND aversion AND DISSIDENCE to tradition, politics AND ideology are as well reactions to POLITICAL AND cultural limitations AND prohibitions which eventually results in a quite different world from the present realities in the society.

Background AND objectives: Managerial organizations play an important role in the process of achieving the goals AND objectives of the organization. Studying these roles AND functions of managerial organizations is regarded as a sociological study of the organization. The IDEOLOGICAL-POLITICAL organization is one of the law enforcement agencies of the country whose most important function is "to assist the development of the police AND Islamic law organization within the Islamic Republic of Iran". The present article is a scientific study aimed at studying the role of IDEOLOGICAL-POLITICAL organization in the process of institutionalization of desirable POLITICAL culture in law enforcement. Methodology: This research was conducted using a descriptive-analytic method AND existing documents AND sources belonging to the views of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution AND an institutionalist approach. Findings AND results: One of the important functions of the IDEOLOGICAL-POLITICAL organization is the "POLITICAL culture-making" AND the development AND deepening of POLITICAL culture based on Islamic norms AND values among human resources AND law enforcement officers, which is an important part of organizational POLITICAL discernment. The IDEOLOGICAL-POLITICAL organization carries out the mission of developing the police organization in the Islamic Republic of Iran through: Epistemological AND religious education AND training of police commANDers AND human resources; Ethical AND Behavioral Training of Police CommANDers AND Human Resources; POLITICAL education AND training of police commANDers AND human resources; Making spiritual AND ethical atmosphere within different structures of law enforcement; Preventing the deviations AND abuses of police commANDers AND human resources; The institutionalization of Islamic culture as a "value action" in the activities of police commANDers AND human resources.

Aims. This research was a feasibility AND evaluation the courses of distance education in IDEOLOGICALPOLITICAL educational system, its position AND methods AND distance training in this feild.Methods. To answer the research questions, a study in two parts of library (theoretical) AND field (survey) performed with 100 samples consisted of experts, managers AND IDEOLOGICAL-POLITICAL trainers.Results.90% of samples implemented the IDEOLOGICAL-POLITICAL training as a combination (in person AND distance) method.47% of samples said beliefs courses, 64% said sentences courses, 65% said education courses, 85% said islamic history courses, 49% said ethics, 78% said POLITICAL sciences courses 76% said defense system courses could be taught distancely.34% of the samples said beginning of service periods, 75% said sustain period, 71% said longitudinal periods AND 73% said vision periods were appropriate to be taught distancely.81% of samples said distance education is appropriate for the commANDers AND managers, 82% said for public managers, 59% said for public forces AND 91% said for professors AND instructors.Conclusion. For establishing a distance education system, particularly its establishment in traditional system (presence), prepareness in different fields is required.

Background AND objectives: Cultural management is one of the most important elements of any cultural organization. UnderstANDing the damage of cultural management in cultural organizations such as I. R. I. Police IDEOLOGICAL-POLITICAL organization helps it to achieve its goals AND solve problems. According to the officials of the I. R. I. Police IDEOLOGICAL-POLITICAL organization, cultural management in the organization faces problems. The purpose of this article is the pathology of I. R. I. Police IDEOLOGICAL-POLITICAL organization's cultural management. Methodology: The method of conducting the research is of a qualitative type using a qualitative content analysis strategy. The number of participants in this study was determined as 20 individuals using theoretical saturation method, which was determined by purposive sampling method. Findings AND results: The results of this research showed that, from the viewpoint of organizational elites, the effectiveness of organizing component on cultural management is more than the average, the effectiveness of planning component on cultural management is less than the average, the effectiveness of the monitoring AND control component on cultural management is more than the average, the effectiveness of the guidance AND leadership component on cultural management is more than the average, the extent of the effectiveness of the cultural products component on cultural management is more than the average, the extent of the effectiveness of other damages on cultural management is more than the average. Comparing the damages from the cultural management domain from the elite's point of view showed that the most important damage in the field of cultural management is the damage to the field of cultural products. After this damage, the damage to the organization, guidance AND leadership, planning, AND, finally, the damage to the area of ​ ​ monitoring AND control have the most impact on I. R. I. Police IDEOLOGICAL-POLITICAL organization's cultural management, respectively.

Most of the works on western POLITICAL thought written in Iran, fall in an intermediary position between the two approaches of historiographical AND IDEOLOGICAL types. By historiography I mean an approach that, giving centrality to discussing elaborately the historical chronology of formation of a POLITICAL thought, AND biographies of the scholars in the field, neglects to analyze, criticize, AND evaluate it. The second type of the works on western POLITICAL thought is of IDEOLOGICAL quality that giving centrality to a particular thought follows a biased approach to it. Such works try to promote an ideology regardless of the explanatory AND analytical requirement for an argument.The present article, studying features AND consequences of the two approaches in Iranian works on western POLITICAL thought, attempts to show the necessity for studying it with the sociological approach to thought, whose comprehensive AND deep look at a POLITICAL thought helps to closely understAND it in its historical, cultural, POLITICAL, economical, IDEOLOGICAL aspects, AND above all, its reflective view. Since a reflective view gives especial importance to the understANDing AND the criticism resulting from background conditions, subjective nature of cognition, AND identity-cultural structures, it can help us with getting rid of the circle of imitation AND repetition, AND publicizing indigenous thought, more than any other models.

With the outbreak of the Islamic Revolution in 1979, Islamic IDEOLOGICAL discourse as the most important element in the discursive field of the discourse of modernism was able to articulate with other sub-discourses AND according to its capabilities, credibility AND populism was able to bring the transcendence of their discourse to the foreground in comparison with the dominant discourse AND especially in relation to rival discourses. This new discourse with the creation of a new ideal space emerged as a discourse of hegemony AND created a dominant POLITICAL construction in this period in the history of Iran. What further led to the hegemony of this Islamic IDEOLOGICAL discourse over rival discourses, along with Ayatollah Khomeini's charisma, was the adoption of a strategy right under the guise of a policy of solidarity between different groups in the sense that Laclau AND Mouffe envisioned. It signifies the creation of an organic alliance between groups, parties, organizations, AND the masses with the aim of turning social affairs into POLITICAL ones. This study deals with a fundamental approach AND using an analytic-descriptive method i. e discourse analysis, investigates the dominance of Islamic IDEOLOGICAL discourse over the POLITICAL construction of space in the first decade of the revolution. The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between space, power AND discourse in the Foucaultian sense AND its effect on the POLITICAL construction of space. The central signifier of this discourse is the Islamic ideology that emerged in opposition to AND in the negation of the centrality of the previous discourse, Western modernism. Also, the space-place notion in which this discourse is manifested is the Islamic nation where the element of lAND is eliminated AND extended to the realm of the world, instead.

The Shiite POLITICAL thought experienced new evolutions with the entrance of new concepts AND thoughts in the Constitutionalism period. One of those evolutions was the scholars’ effort to explain AND describe the conditions AND foundations of legitimacy of the right to ‘freedom’ which had little record in the Shiite POLITICAL thought up to that era. Mirza Muhammad Hussein Naʾ, ini, one of the constitutionalist scholars of that day, attempted to offer a new reading of that concept. Accordingly, the present study uses Skinner’s hermeneutic method to investigate Ayatollah Naʾ, ini’s POLITICAL thought regarding freedom AND answer the following question: “In which practical AND IDEOLOGICAL ground was Naʾ, ini’s view on freedom formed? ” The findings of the study show that the IDEOLOGICAL grounds of that thought have been formed by the nonreligious texts of the constitutionalist intellectuals on the one hAND, AND the religious texts of jurists opposing constitutionalism on the other hAND. Similarly, its practical ground must be looked for inside the despotism of the Qajar rulers AND constitutional revolution. Due to being placed inside such grounds, Naʾ, ini negates despotism in Islam by proposing freedom AND conceptual expansion of ḥ, urriyat (freedom), proving freedom as a divine right of the Muslims from the religious viewpoint. This conceptual reading prepares the round for getting away from inconsistency between freedom AND Shariʿ, a in Naʾ, ini’s POLITICAL thought.