This article seeks to identify and explain the process of securitizing ISIS by the Islamic Republic of Iran. The most important question of this article is: How did the Iranian government manage to portray ISIS as an existential threat to its citizens and how to involve them in their foreign and military policies against this terrorist group? This article uses the securitization theory to explain the Iranian war with ISIS in Syria and Iraq. It aims to consider the process and dynamics of securitization of ISIS in Iranian society which led them to support the military combat with ISIS. The research hypothesis is that the focus on securitization theory prepares the constant framework for understanding how the Copenhagen notion of security helps the Iranian government to justify the enemy narrative of ISIS through the trend of exclusion, exceptionalities, and use of physical force. Iranian government actively uses the securitization process to make required changes and adjustments for confronting ISIS to gain support and legitimacy from ordinary people. This article considers the role of the audience in the process of decision-making and how rulers use this opportunity to mobilize and organize armed forces. The Iranian government in the process of securitizing ISIS has shown that it can involve the people in the process of decision-making and the implementation of its foreign and military policies.

ISIS could put into reality an idealistic and old-fashioned concept of Caliphate for the first time after the collapse of its last version, Ottoman caliphate. It also tried to turn the theory into an ideology by which the group was excepting to establish a state with the main aim of overcoming the dominancy of western civilization both over the region and the world. Based on this, the group tried to purpose a new approach toward political Islam idealism and Arab-Sunni fundamentalism in order to make it suitable for an effective fight with its enemy not as partisans but as a state. It shows that the study of the phenomena of ISIS not only as a practice in the range of real politics, but also as an ideological effort in the theoretical sphere is important and notable. There is a theoretical benefit in doing research on the way ISIS state (as an alternative for the westernized states) is formed. Based on this, this paper intended to study the concept of state in ISIS through the application of discourse methodology. After the explanation of the method, it focused on Salafi discourse as a source of ISIS ideology. Then the concept of power in this discourse is explained. Finally it showed how this concept is formulated and articulated within the framework of ISIS discourse to justify both its legitimacy and actions as a state actor.

ISIS officially declared its presence in Iraq since 2013 and was repressed by Iraqi government in 2017. It conducted several activities during this period. The question here is that, whether these conducts done by ISIS as a defeated insurgent group could be attributed to the Iraqi government or not? This article will show that principally ISIS’ non-sovereign and criminal conducts are not attributed to the Iraqi government. However, if exceptionally there were any fault from the government in repressing and pursuing ISIS or drawing peace pact or giving amnesty to its members, it was possible to attribute the conducts to the Iraqi government. In this respect, the misconducts of ISIS are not attributed to the Iraqi government since there were no fault on the part of the government in repressing and pursuing this group and there were no amnesty given to the members for committing international crimes. But with respect to those insurgent actions that are carried out in the economic, administrative and judicial areas for the management of controlled cities, under the following triple conditions they could be attributed to the Iraqi government provided that the nature of those behaviors is sovereign, the lack of government forces was evident and the need for such actions existed.

The purpose of this research is the future of ISIL research in Iraq and Syria. The present article tries to use the exploration method and data collection in the form of documents and based on the method of James Dittor scriptwriting and the method of impact analysis. Identify the influential factors influencing the formation of ISIL in Iraq and Syria, and by extracting the factors of sectarian strife, regional rivalries, and the central power of Iraq and Syria as drivers, the future scenarios of ISIL in Rewrite Iraq and Syria. Findings show that the best possible future for ISIL is to continue the current trend and the continuous growth of this trend until the complete destruction of this group, which will occur through political and religious convergence in the two internal levels of Iraq and Syria and between countries in the region. The more this convergence increases, the greater the power of the central governments in Iraq and Syria, and reinforces the scenario of the destruction of ISIS, which is a favorable scenario for Iran's national security. On the other hand, the less this convergence leads to the widening of the political and religious divide at the internal levels of Iraq and Syria and the tension, conflict or even war between the countries in the region, the anti-ISIL process will collapse and reinforce the worst-case scenario. The re-formation of ISIS is the worst case scenario for Iran's national security.

ISIS is one of the emerging Islamic fundamentalist groups with distinctive features compared to other fundamentalist groups. ISIS unique feature is its unprecedented violence towards other groups and individuals. The problem addressed in this article is to examine the root causes of the formation of this group, followed by the level of violence exerted by it. It seems that international system, discriminatory political systems of the West and Middle East dictatorships, and media coverage have been effective in the formation of this group. The crISIS of identity and sense of deprivation in the people created by above factors, have had a major role in this process. Particularly, the sense of deprivation has led to such a high level of violence among members of the ISIS. The formation of radical groups such as ISIS is a response to the need for revenge and independence of many around the world, and due to this emotions ISIS advertisements were highly successful around the world.

Internet as the most important communication tool in this era is not monopolized by governments and international institutions. Easy access to this technology has made it available to individuals and groups, including terrorist groups. ISIS can be considered as an organized terrorist group that has not only proceeded Web1 to advance its goals, but has also sought to use the social and semantic dimensions of Web2 and Web3 in cyberspace. So, this article is to respond to this important question: How did ISIS use the three generations of Web (Web 1, Web 2, Web 3) to advance its goals? It should be noted that the advancement of communication technologies has led terrorism to abandon the traditional ways of communicating and enter the flexible discursive domains of the three generations of Web. By using these three generations of Web, ISIS has been able to succeed in communicating with supporters and attracting young people's attention to recruiting around the world, besides ideological, propaganda and financial support activities. of course, it has been destroyed in terms of territorial domination (in October 2017), but undoubtedly, continues to use all kinds of Web in the digital world. The purpose of this article was to explain how ISIS recognized the communication technologies for its political purposes.

One of the main impediments of the International Criminal Court in dealing with the issue of the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham/Greater Syria ("ISIS" aka "ISIL", "Daesh" or "IS") is its power to exercise jurisdiction. The Court has jurisdiction to deal with crimes as follows: 1-A State Party refers the situation to the Court pursuant to Article 14. 2-If under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, the Security Council refers a situation. 3-If, according to Article 15, the prosecutor, on his own initiative, opens an investigation upon notification of the crime subject to the jurisdiction of the Court. Furthermore, since Iraq and Syria are not Parties to the Rome Statute, the lack of co-operation could hinder the pursuit of ISIS members before the International Criminal Court. Thus, the only possible option in the prosecution of ISIS could be the United Nations Security Council. This paper aims to study the question of possibility or predictability of investigating this terrorist group leaders before the International Criminal Court and challenges facing such an investigation.

Extended Abstract: Introduction: Fundamentalism means at attempt to revive religious values and also confront ideologies and modern desires and secularism. The fundamentalists involve those who looking for removing existing international structure and establish new structure based on religious principles. In this regards, Islamic fundamentalism has turned to one of the serious threats in the international system during last three decades. It, not only, has endangered regional security but also challenged international security seriously. In other words, at the present, terrorism threats of radical groups are not limited only to the West of Asia, which is origin of Islamic fundamentalism, they also include other regions of the world; from Europe to the East Asia. In this regards, Al-Qaeda and ISIS are the most important terrorist actors that have significant role in development of the security concept and its dynamics. Research Aim: The research aim is to study terrorist groups of Al-Qaeda and ISIS comparatively. Accordingly, the main question of the research is that what are the similarities and differences of the Al-Qaeda and ISIS? , To understand these two groups better, the research focus locate on their differences. The findings of the research can be beneficial for domestic officials since Iran is living in neighborhood of Al-Qaeda and ISIS. Methodology: The research method is analytical – descriptive and the data gathered through library resources. With regard to the nature of these groups, the research has utilized constructivism theory which emphasis on self-other idea. Finding: Based on the research findings, the most important similarities of terrorist groups of Al-Qaeda and ISIS are origin of their ideology, apocalypse worldview, pragmatism, anti-western vision, believing in hierarchical structure in their system, pugnacity and bellicosity, anti-Shia approach, universality and applying cyberspace for operations and membership. However, meanwhile, they enjoy some critical and fundamental differences such as intellectual and geographical origin, establishing Islamic caliphate, leadership futures, quality of members, psychological and media tactics, operational priorities, financial resources, military strategy and structural differences, method of acquiring identity and eventually the way Al-Qaeda and ISIS look at women and minorities. Conclusion: This research concludes that despite of some identical similarities, Al-Qaeda and ISIS enjoy obvious differences in many aspects especially in structure, goals, functional scope, method of action or operation, quality of leaders and means. In spite it, the focal aims is almost the same i. e. violence against innocent people and killing them. Based on their ideology, “ the others” deserve to be killed. What is perceived is that Islamic fundamentalism is not going to stop or vanish. It, in return, is transforming to new form in contemporary day. On the basis of historical experiences, it is predictable that new Islamic terrorist group rise once again in the near future that even would be worse and dangerous than ISIS.

Rise of terrorism group in the Middle East shows a new chapter in security problems in region. The faster act of spreading ISIS in Iraq and Syria explain this point that terrorism movement isn’t tradition form but inexpert is globalization process and relation system. The main question is that how do globalization cause growth ISIS. Hypothesis is that globalization process agency creation relation system and reduces influence of state cause rise ISIS. This research using descriptive and analytical methods and the use of authentic documents and social identity approach to this conclusion that open communication system in addition to increasing social consciousness to the formation of a new anti-government entities in the region that ISIS also taking advantage of this opportunity and weaken governments emerged.

The evolution of technology and then the change in the analytical skills of individuals have brought the world to a new era. On the one hand, the emergence of issues such as new actors and new wars that cannot be explained within the framework of the state-driven paradigm theory and, on the other hand, Repeating these transformations as a model that surpasses them from a mere maladjustment has doubled the tendency for theorizing to understand these issues. ISIL is an example of these developments. The purpose of this article is to investigate new ISIL-centered wars in light of the views expressed about these wars. That the formation of the actor is limited to religious extremism will not provide much knowledge of the state of the new era. This paper, by descriptive-analytical method, seeks to answer the question of how the new era has helped shape ISIS-led new wars. With the change in the nature of power, the new era has led to the formation of a kind of war that is different from intergovernmental wars. Hence, this article, while analyzing the status of the ISIL group, concludes that ISIS is the result of these new conditions, and these wars seem to be the future crISIS of the Middle East.