PAZHOHESH-HA-YE BASTANSHENASI IRAN
Year:2017 | Volume:7 | Issue:12 |Papers Count:14

In spite of the archaeological surveys and excavations in Kurdistan region, this area remained less known compare to the northern and southern neighboring areas regard to the prehistoric period studies. One of these less known prehistoric periods is chalcolithic. Noted many archaeological sites belong to the chalcolithic period reported until now in different parts of Kurdistan region. One of the key chalcolithic sites of Kurdistan area is Tappeh Geryashan located in the vicinity of Sanandaj city. Based on archaeological survey of the site it become clear that the site including the potteries of both middle and late chalcolithic period. Site locates near one of the permanent river of Sanandaj called Qeshlagh. The research methodology of this paper is based on comparative studies. The main subject of the paper is about the chronology of Tappeh and its similarity with other contemporary sites in Zagros. It seems that there is some kind of interaction between these site and other sites located in vicinity area. What have been named as culture of painted buff pottery custom in chalcolithic period is also can be seen in Sanandaj. The martial culture and distribution patterns of the sites in Sanandaj are exactly the same with other regions of Zagros. These evident similarities are not sudden surely and are because of interaction of the sites during chalcolithic period in Zagros. It should be noted that determining the kind of this relation and interaction of the sites during this period on the basis of surface survey is impossible. In order to find that, there were some kind of relation and interaction between the sites, more archeological studies are needed. Archeological excavation and laboratory studies of findings may help to response to the proposed questions. Unfortunately, the site has damaged by human interference. It has been surrounded by modern construction and for the protection of the site for future studies its delimitation is required. Even the archaeological surveys and excavation in Kurdistan region, this area remains less known compare to the northern and southern neighbor areas regarding to the prehistoric period studies.

One of the most prominent cultures of Iranian Chalcolithic era is called Bakun which is considered as a vital stage in social-economic ground of change in the prehistoric communities of Iran in Fars. The vicinity of Fars in southern Zagros is considered as one of the richest study centers of Iran and also the Near East, stretching along Susiana plain and central plateau and several restricted plains and located along the river banks of the region and its important plains are Marvdasht and Mamsani that are appropriate to cultivate and nurture livestock and consequently settlement from distant millenniums up to now. The Bakun culture is one of the most important periods of the Chalcolithic cultures and it is an important step in the field of socio-economic Prehistoric communities of Iran. At the same time the culture of Susa I in southwestern and Cheshmeh-Ali in the central plateau is probably the origin of the formation of the first government agencies in the area. This culture represents a characterized painted buff Ware which is decorated with specific roles and conical forms can be and for the first time by Ernst Herzfeld Dual-Bacon on a Tepe some 2 km from Persepolis. In the revision and survey of Bakun of geographical restriction of Fars, an area of 226840 km was studied and consequently 62 of these sites of Fars were investigated and the potteries of Bakun were excavated from 38 sites of these revisions. In order to further study, the impact of environmental factors on the distribution pattern of settlements will have different factors associated with habitat selection further study which project was looking for. For this purpose, the role of these factors were investigated on the basis of available data, using analysis software for geographic information systems (GIS) and their relationship with the absorption of the establishment of areas in which there were Bakun Wares, were studied. It should be noted that extending the surface area of the larger number of sites in areas has not been intended. In order to analysis the settlement patterns of these areas, first of all the relationship between the settlements and the influence rate of environmental factors on their type of selection was measured. As an example the study of the geomorphologic situation of site in the dispersion pattern of sites and the dependency rate of these sites to the rate of sea level represents an increase in the extent of site with the increase of sea level and this is the fact which puts Fars vicinity in a paradox with other sites. However, other factors including distance from the riversides show a moderate model of rainfall rate which is not farfetched. The climate situation of these sites indicates aridness and semi aridness of region. So, that more than 68 percent in arid and semi-arid sites are located in Fars province. However, large centers may be better to analyze the patterns that are related to the other centers. Among 38 sites with the evidence of Bakun culture, 12 sites have an area of less than one hectare, 13 sites have an area of between 1 and 2 ha, and 5 and 8 sites between 2 and 3 and 8 sites have an area of3 hectares. However, 4 sites out of 8 areas of Marvdasht Plain have an area of more three hectares along with smaller sites. These sites are located among relatively narrow valley and smooth plains that a part of this density (lack of space) is created for the same reason. Hence, considering expanded sites that are rich in volume of findings, perhaps they can be considered as central places and influential in the region.

Tappeh Namashir (E 45° 44’ 4. 00” – N 36° 7’ 56. 00” , 1336m ASL), is located beneath the village of Namashir at 33 km north west of Baneh city (NW Kurdistan province, western Iran). The excavation of Tappeh Namashir was carried out under the directions of Mr. Zahed Karimi in June and July, 2010. Excavators opened 6 operations (A, B, C, D, E, and F). The aim of excavation in these two operations of A (3×2 m) and B (2×2 m) in the center of this site is studying the stratigraphy of the archaeological deposits. Tappeh Namashir consists of 5 main layers. On the basis of this excavation, its material culture belongs to the Chalcolithic (layers V, IV and III), Iron Age (layer II) and Islamic periods (layer I). This paper introduces the material culture of this stratigraphy. Layer I with late Islamic pottery constitutes the latest occupation on Tepe Namashir represented by brown-red pottery with a highly mineral tempered. Layer II is belonging to the Iron Age; The pottery of this layer represented by bowl with everted short necked and round body, shallow tray, carinated bowl with everted rim with yellowish or reddish slip and polished surface treatment without any decoration. Layer III Namashir is characterized by late chalcolithic chaff-tempered/chaff-faced wares. Most of the pottery production is brown, buff, and gray, chaff-tempered and chaff-faced. Few manipulated wares are seen in this period which their body different from Dalma wares and resemble to other late chalcolithic wares of this layer. The shape repertoire mainly consists of simple everted bowls, open bowl with incurved vessel wall, open bowls, open or shallow bowl with straight vessel walls, jar with wide shoulder and short everted neck, jar with overhanging rims, small pottery, carinated pottery and some of the most distinctive forms of ceramic decoration in the late chalcolithic period are incised chevron and zigzag patterns and deep, regular comb incised horizontal bands. Late chalcolithic potteries of Tepe Namashir is resemble to Northwestern Iran and Northern Mesopotamia and different from other region such as Susiana. Layer IV of Namshir is characterized by black on buff painted wares and few impressed potteries. Black on buff potteries resembles to Seh Gabi, Tappeh Siah bid and Ubaid pottery sherds. The pottery of this layer is often a buff color and the four main pottery groups are distinguished on the basis of shape and size: bowls with open rim, globular simple or painted pots, trays and perforated bowls. Geometric decorations cover the exterior and interior of the pottery in addition to surface-manipulation on the exterior of the pottery, with handled vessels, and finger impression on the surface of pottery. Layer Namashir V is the earliest layers of Tepe Namashir, which cut down into the sedimentary virgin soil and related to the Dalma period. Dalma streaky and Dalma painted wares appear to have originated earlier than the Dalma impressed wares, a situation resembling the internal stratification found at the Dalma Tepe, Godin Tepe and Tepe Namashir. The geometric decoration of pottery consists of rows of triangles, hatch lines, streaky paint, painted solid, cross-hatched, hanged triangles, paralleled bands and circular patterns. Most of these decorations are typical for Dalma tradition wares. The material culture of Tepe Namashir shows that there are similarities in the potteries with those in the northwest, west and western half of the Central Iranian Plateau and northern Mesopotamia. The great amount of obsidian lithic and debris is indicative of the interaction of Tepe Namashir with other region. As per available data in this excavation, the region of northwestern Kurdistan Province has an important role in the interaction between regions of Iran, Mesopotamia and Anatolia in the chalcolithic period. In addition to the pottery, other materials such as architectural materials, lithic tools, clay spindle whorls, stone objects, mortars, stone rings and copper slag were seen.

Tepe Taze-Kand near the Hesam-Abad village has excavated stratigraphically by 5 test trenches. Despite the 65 percent of destructions in the site by the residents, the richness of Dalma wares indicates the significant existence of Dalma traces. The Dalma belongs to the Early Middle Chalcolithic and its name has been driven from a site in the south western of Urmia Lake, 5 km. away from south western of Hasanlu (Solduz valley) and some meters away of a village with the same name Numerous field studies indicate the existence of Dalma traces in a wide range of western Iran to Central Zagros and Northern Mesopotamia which is seen as a mingle of local trends in which Taze-Kand Tepe has the same trend with a lengthy sedentism approaches. Most of the evidences in layers are related to red slipped wares, handmade and a large volume is Dalma Impressed wares form that is comparable with Dalma wares of Godin X. It doesn’ t mean that the mentioned phase has been the only culture of this site. For example, potteries of middle and Late Bronze Age (Godin III) and late Islamic period and also a mingle of Godin VI and VII potteries (Late Chalcolithic) were excavated from the upper layers of the main Test trenches and the northern side of sit. Due to abundant movements and excessive destructions of surface layers of Tepe, there is no feasibility to distinct among them. The main corpus of the site includes traces of middle chalcolithic period including distinct phases of Godin X, IX in which its upper layers possess accumulations that is an integrative of Dalma and Seh-Gabi Painted wares. This section is formed fillings having debris like accumulations and a number of its thermal formations like oven sand ash holes were disclosed by clearance. Though in the last phase, Dalma phase, the remaining of characteristic wares such as Impress Dalma ware, clay walls were identified as well as sediments. These wares possess impress drawings and have been decorated with variant methods on the surface. the entire exterior surface is manipulated in a wide variety of impressions, excision and the like in a very dense and random pattern and usually all the potteries are handmade and most common form is a wide-mouth pot with a short vertical neck and ledge just below the neck. The existence of such site in Hamedan plain along with other identified sites can define Hamedan plain as a cultural landscape of Dalma period. We should consider the issue that the steppe region of Hamedan is vulnerable to the excessive utilities and abundant population of herds through periods and today and despite possessing the power of reconstruction, the possibility of destruction is rather high accordingly by the increase of dryness. We should consider the issue that the steppe region of Hamedan is vulnerable to the excessive utilities and abundant population of herds through eras and today. And despite possessing the power of reconstruction, the possibility of destruction is rather high accordingly by the increase of dryness. Therefore, the abundance of settlement of this period is further possible by the inter-region seasonal movements which are yet common in the region. The nomadic populations are yet having their inter-regional and seasonal movements. For instance, a photo of these people was taken during the excavation of Taze-kand Tepe which reside in the surroundings of Tepe or are passing through this region. Considering the existing traces such as pottery architecture and the driven instruments of a semi-centered economy such as spindles in Taze-kand Tepe and also the environmental features of Hamedan plain, we can assign the Dalma settlement of Hamedan plain as a type if half perpetual settlement which has preserved some of its capacities so far.

This paper seeks to documents architectural motifs of various types of soft-stone artefact categories occur in the archaeological contextsand unauthorized excavations of ancient south-west Asia, especially Iran. Iranian softstone vessels produced in southeastern Iran and exported to the other regions. A coloction of different forms and incised decorations of soft-stons vessels present important cultural items of the early Bronze age. These objects found from excavations of some importan sites of Iran. We have some soft-ston founds from Mesopotamia, south Persian Gulf countries too. It seems that soft-stone vessels are of ancient Iran (Elam) manufacture and the vessels were exchanged as trade or as gift between ancient socities in this wide region. Some of soft-stones vessels are representing a sort of structure, have peculiar and intriquing decoration, symbol as house or big architecture. They are cylindrical vessels with round round and base. The sides are slightly curved on outside. The motifs are architectural (hous or temple) decorations. The architectural motifs represent on, two and three floors architecture. Some design represents others architectural structure such as windows, downward doorways and decorative half columns or half towers. The main architecture motif represent by triple downcurving band at the top. Decorative half towers have been observed in Mundigak in Afghanistan. Among other designs is a rod like structure topped by a religious symbol. Stylistically, this design probably shows a Temple or ziggurats. 3D renderings have a significant role in reconstruction process, both for architecture and motifs. So, . the 3D reconstruction of this motif shows us fantactic and functional use of monumental architecture. 3D architecture allows us to understand intuitive interface and simplified interaction. This soft-stone vessels known as serie ancienne or intercultural style. The motif elements are widely distributed across several `cultural’ regions and share a characteristic mode of presentation or style. The main part of the research is based on colorite which these can be considered as “ dignity goods” which are given by local regional and inter-regional to their peers indicating wealth source and loyalty and political-cultural relation of states and following, extension of the sphere of cultural-political influence. The existence of a systemic organization and cultural-commercial relations in this time are documented by motifs in ancient Iran and Mesopotamia. At firs glance, creator ability of motifs on colorite dishes by applying Architectural elements is the best document in recognition of port of historical background of architectural knowledge of Iran in half of the 3rd millennium B. C. that known linguistic signs engraved on stone dishes are identified. Also, in this area, types of great religious and ritual monuments help a lot in the form of replica and motifs carved on colorite dishes obtained from Yahya, Shahdad, Jiroft and Susa. In this recognition, the application of spaces and proportions reflect central core of doing court and ritural affairs. Motifs of multi-story stone containers show that main entries are connected to living internal space. Buildings’ elements such as wall and columns show firmness and tidiness. Although there is no information about building material, but based on Mundigak and Jiroft that have great similarity to motifs architectural type, clays are the most basic material used in this type of architecture. Matching multi-story soapstone motifs with facade and plans obtained from exploring areas of Shoush, Konarsandel of Jiroft, Mundiggak and works related to maneuver can shows great buildings not only in Mesopotamia, but also in different areas of Iran cultural domain. Creating monumental and ritural buildings based on reproduced model examples based on colorite cantainers motifs can show a preset architectural program with measuring all technical and architectural facilities with artistic elegance. This architecture type is a symbol of technical knowledge, economical cultural, ritural and sovereignty knowledge of the society of that time. Great memorial spaces not only explain ability of constructing the building from architecture point of view, but also indicate society elite, society beliefs beside the everyday applications of society as a regioal power center.

Contemporary with late 4th millennium B. C. and starting the early Urbanism Period, the local differences has raised more than before and for the first time after such a long time, the local traditions of Iran and Mesopotamia have evolved separately once again. The Mehrā n plain due to its geographical situation in which located between the two main core zones of Urbanism Southwest Iran and Mesopotamia, had surely play an important role in the interactions of given regions. According to our knowledge, the Dehluran and Mehrā n plains have stable pattern and settlement trajectory similar to Mesopotamia other than Susiana plain which was specialized on inter-regional trade. Generally, there are 8 settlements with material related to the early Urbanism period have identified in Mehrā n plain: Chogha Ahowan, Chogha Boichegh, Chogha Gap, Bahram Abad, Mansour Abad, Zarroush, Shamah Ver and Cam-e Papi of them 5 site are newly assessed. The interesting point on these sites is, they are on the margin of the fertile part of the plain, the place on which there no trace of earlier phases. The settlements related to the early Urbanism Period, can be categorized in 3 ranks with different functions; Chogha Ahowan in the biggest center with inter-regional role, while located on the northern margin of the plain, as it was big center with ca. 10 hectare in size by the Proto-Urbanism and extending to a city with more than 20 hectares in size by the time being discussed. Another rank is a big center on the center of the plain named Chogha Boichegh which was ca. 5 hectare by the last Phase extending to ca. 8 hectare in size by the early Urbanism period. The rest of the settlements are rural and small with ca. 1 hectare in size distributed on the plain while one of them is located on the isolated area but close to the Plain. It seems that the main change in this period is extending of the Chogha Ahowan from big village of the Late Village Period to big center of the Proto-Urbanism and a city by the early Urbanism Period, the change which is in harmony with known pattern of other adjacent plains. The role of such centers in Susiana, Dehluran and Mesopotamia is almost the same. Unlike the main center, the material recovered from the 2nd and 3rd rank sites are strongly related to agriculture based economy. It seems the main factor on such nature of the given sites is the landscape and environmental potential as the sites permanently affected by such factors. For example, at some parts of the plain the sites with Islamic period material have covered by the sediments of the rivers. A glance at the map no. 3 which is provided on the basis of 7 main environmental factors such as fertile soil, fresh water, vicinity of rivers, slope, water table, vicinity to the pasture and vicinity to the wild resources, finely revealed that the settlement pattern of the Period is strongly matched with agriculture based economy although the only site showing different story is Chogha Ahowan which was based on agriculture by the earlier times but no longer continued by the 4th millennium and 3rd millennium B. C. Most of the sites of the Period are single-period while the reason is still ambiguous to us but some hypothesis can be made; the reason either can be attributed to the political changes of the early 3rdmillennium B. C in Mesopotamia or the climate changes by the time being discussed. By the given time, exploiting the wild resources seems to be continued as earlier time but more effective as the data found from Chogha Ahowan supports this idea.

One of the large mounds in the east of Zanjan Province, in northwestern Iran, is Qaleh Tepe. This mound is located on the vicinity of the modern city of Abhar and, due to urban development associated with construction of the city, has been severely damaged so that only a small fragment from its central area has remained. Qaleh Tepe is situated on a natural low-rise hill on the south bank of Abhar Roud River, the most important river in region. This river flows along the length of an elongated plain, which as a natural corridor forms a route to connect the Northwest to the North Central Plateau of Iran. Because of its geographic location and circumstance, Qale Tepe constitutes an important site investigating the cultural relationship between given regions. Three seasons of excavation have carried out at the site: in 1993 directed by Dr. A. Mirfatah, in 2001 directed by M. Askariyan, and in 2011 directed by this author. In these excavations, remains from Bronze Age, Iron Age, Parthian Period, and Islamic Period were uncovered. The last of these excavations revealed that the first occupation in Qaleh Tepe is related to an Early Bronze Age settlement; some remains from this settlement, including architecture, ceramic and small finds, were found in a 3×4 meters trench, in the northeast of the mound. Due to destruction and the disappearance of upper stratums in the trench, only one phase of the settlement was uncovered upon virgin soil; however, it seems the occupation had been short-term. The architectural remains showing a rectangular room with pies (Chineh) walls and connected clay benches and a floor, which all were frequently plastered with clay. There are traces of black painting on the surface of the walls, the benches, and the floor. The distinctive ceramic related to the settlement is characterized by a grit temper, a surface color that ranges from dark red to gray-black, with gray common, usually burnished, and hand-made. Most of the shreds are simple without any decoration, but some samples have simple geomorphic incised or excised patterns, which in a few cases are filled with a white paste. The most common pattern is an incised zigzag line under the rim or on the shoulder of vessels. These characteristic are well known from the Early Trans-Caucasian Culture II settlements in Iran, as found in Godin Tepe in period IV and lower levels. Early Bronze Age of Yanik Tepe. The small finds are miscellaneous, including three bone awls, one sickle-like bone object, one partway broken bone spindle whorl with incised patterns, one antler haft, four stone beads, two quadruped figurines and one broken bird-like head from fired clay, two unknown fired clay objects in the shape of a trefoil star, and some stone tools. These findings have parallels in other ETC settlements in Iran, but similarities with those settlements located in the Central Zagros and the North Central Plateau are stronger than in the Northwest. On the basis of these similarities, the Early Bronze Age settlement in Qaleh Tepe is pertains to the ETC IIA and therefore can be dated to the first half of the 3rd millennium B. C. On the other hand, the situation of Qaleh Tepe in the eastern part of the natural corridor connecting the Northwest to the North Central Plateau reveals the route of extension of the Early Trans-Caucasian Culture to the East, as well as to the eastern Zagros.

After years of excavations and surveys in Kur River Basin and in Fars province, there are still major problems and huge unanswered questions in the local chronological sequence. Archaeological excavations and surveys showed that the number of settlements was greatly reduced after the Tall-i Malyan urban phase (Middle Banesh phase, late 4th and early 3rd millennia B. C. ) whereas few evidences illustrate the subsequent Late Banesh phase. There are discontinuities in the chronological sequences of most of the sites excavated up to now between middle Banesh and Kaftari epochs. Considering archaeological surveys, soundings and C14 dating, it seems that the Kur River Basin consequently faced a remarkable population reduction in the middle of the 3rdmillennium B. C. Sumner proposed to consider the mid-3rd millennium B. C. as a gap between late Banesh (2800-2600 B. C. ) and early Kaftari (2200-1900 B. C. ) phases, suggesting that during this interval, most of the inhabitants of the Kur River Basin turned to pastoralism, explaining the sparsely occupation of this territory. This view relied on evidences from ABC trench cultural layers in Tall-i Malyan, on C14 absolute dating, on the discontinuity between Banesh and Kaftari surveyed settlements and on an obvious recess in the pottery sequence in the Kur River Basin. Recently published evidences from trench H5 and new excavation in H1s sounding in Tall-i Malyan, however slightly modified this scenario and pointed on a certain continuity between Banesh and Kaftari periods in Tall-i Malyan. Regarding the current archaeological information, it seems necessary to excavate sites with both Banesh and Kaftari periods to explore the 3rd millennium B. C. in Fars. Through visits and surveys in the Kur River Basin, the authors decided to open trenches in Toll-e Gap Kenareh in order to get more information about this crucial period. Toll-e Gap Kenareh is located 5 Km southwestward of Persepolis and 3 Km northeastward of Marvdasht in the Kur River Basin. Covering around 0. 5 hectare, it is situated 1629 m above the sea level and is 4 m higher than the current surrounding plain. Toll-e Gap was firstly excavated by L. Vanden Berghe in the 1950s for two days while Alizadeh presented the site as belonging to Shogha, Iron Age III, Achaemenid, Sasanian, and Islamic periods. The first season of excavation at Toll-e Gap was conducted in Sept/Oct 2012 to identify the cultural stratified sequence of the site and to get relative and absolute dating for the 3rd millennium B. C. Fars. Two trenches (A and B) were excavated during this season of excavation on the east and west sides of the site and reached the virgin soil at 5. 3 m depth. Recovered materials include potsherds, bone fragments, metal, stone, glass objects, tokens, and so on. According to the recovered potsherds and comparing them to the other sites of the Kur River Basin, it can be inferred that the chronological sequence found in Toll-e Gap Kenareh displays early Islamic, Sasanian, early Kaftari, and Banesh (early, middle, and late? ) periods. Toll-e Gap Kenareh open then new horizons in the archaeology of Fars during the 3rd millennium B. C, above all for the transition between the well-known Banesh and Kaftari periods. Above Kaftari Period layers, there is a Sasanian Period settlement, which shows that this site has been used temporarily during the Sasanian Period. The more recent artifacts in this site belong to the 9th and 10th centuries A. D., and as the site is close to Estakhr, its function could have been related to this city.

The Parthian Empire (247 B. C. – 224 A. D. ), also known as the Arsacid Empire, was a major Iranian politico-cultural power in ancient Iran. Its latter name comes from Arsaces I of Parthia. Who, as leader of the Parni tribe, founded it in the mid-3rd century B. C. when he conquered the region of Parthia in northeastern Iran, then a satrapy (province) in rebellion against the Seleucid Empire. At its height, the Parthian Empire stretched from the northern reaches of the Euphrates, in what is now central-eastern Turkey, to eastern Iran. Researchers believe in a kind of feudal system for Arsacid Iran in which exist some local dynasties ruled by different clans. According to their power, these clans determine the situation inside the empire. Elymaeans were one of these rather mighty clans who established a local dynasty in northern Khuzestan and southern Zagros mountains after the Seleucid extension in Iran, and remained in power until the rise of Sassanid Persians. Although there is no certain proof about the origin of the term “ Elymais” , it has been suggested that this is the Graecized form of the more ancient name “ Elam” . Classical accounts have mentioned Elymais; however they cannot be quite accurate. After a hundred and half years of the beginning of Elamite and Elymaean studies, there is still no chance to define the exact borders of Elymais and the written documents also cannot help, since they are disorganized and scattered in this domain. Thanks to historical resources and archaeological data, we can analyze the studies recently done on Elymais and explain the importance of the history and geography of this dynasty. Elymaeans raised from Bakhtiari mountains and areas in northeast Khuzestan. They had a great military power and the wealth of their temples came from plundering other regions. Seleucid and Arsacid kings tried to attack these temples, but for most of the time this decision brought nothing but catastrophic consequences for them. Numismatic evidences identify a Kamnaskires as the Elymaean king who conquered Susa and other regions in Khuzestan and Bakhtiari. This was the beginning of almost four-hundred years of conflict between Elymaeans to reach independent kingship and Arsacids to prevent this goal. Eventually the last Elymaean king could not resist the newcomer Sassanids and lost all his kingdom and life to them. This was the end of Elymaean political existence, but the studies have already begun and more researches precede, more this dark part of Iranian history will clarify. Beside the military importance of the Elymaean territory which has been brought by their domination on the most important passes of the Zagros mountains between Mesopotamia – the western frontier of the Seleucids and Arsacids – and the rest of the Iranian world, strategic position of this region provided Elymaeans with a golden chance to make a huge benefit from inter-regional trade. Consequently, this regional state possessed a focal role in the political geography of the Arsacids King of Kings. On the other hand, aside of geographic – environmental characteristics of this region, cultural – intellectual particularities of the people had lived in, bestowed its artistic customs a specific identity which was distinct from ones of its neighbors in the regarded times. Accordingly, we can recall how the Sasanian art is owed many of its subjects, ideas related to the political culture, and the way in which the Sasanians presented a scene to the Elymaean art. This point would be more clear when one studies their reliefs. Notwithstanding the researches have been done so far, but still cultural characteristics of Elymaean people and their interaction with their overlords are the very interesting subjects with high capability of studying for scholars to deal with. More knowledge on the Elymaeans can help us to analyze the Seleucid/Arsacid political system and the circumstances under which inter-regional interactions had been shaped.

Topics related to religion and religious structures are a major focus on the debates concerning Sasanian Iran. The best sources of research are archeological evidences and written documents in the first centuries of the Islamic conquest. Since the late 19thcentury, finding the location of the three major fire temples of Ā dur Farnbā g, Ā dur Burzē n-Mihr and Ā dur Guš nasp became an important aspect of study concerning the religions of Ancient Iran and the Sasanian period. In the mid-20th century, German archeologists found the exact location of Ā dur Guš nasp, presenting important findings about religious architecture of Sasanian Iran. However, the other two fire temples have not yet been found. Ā dur Farnbā g, belonging to the Zoroastrian priests according to historical texts, is one of these three. Archeologists and Orientalists focusing on Sasanian religious structures have concurred that the possible location of this fire temple is Kā riyā n in Fars. In this study, examining the historical texts covering 3rd-7th A. H. that mention Ā dur Farnbā g and comparing the findings to the archeological results concerning Sasanian religious structures, especially those located in Fars, the proposed locations have been examined and possible new sites have been offered as well. As a fundamental research, present study naturally and methodically is historic-descriptive. Required information collected bibliographically and from field surveys which analyzed and interpreted combining using “ historic approach” comparatively. The importance of this study is the presentation of these possible new sites. Studying various historical documents shows that Kā riyā n was part of Ardashir-Khwarrah during the late-Sasanian and early Islamic period, while most of the documents do not mention the name of Ā dur Farnbā g and of the four Arabic text that mention the fire temple, three place it in Darabgird. Study and examination of written Islamic texts present this possibility that the original place of Ā dur Farnbā g was not in Kā riyā n during early Sasanian times and was in Darabgird near Fars instead. The studied text of the three places in Khwarezm, Darabgird and Kā riyā n is mentioned as the location of the Ā dur Farnbā g. It can be said that the naming of Khwarezm as the first location of the Ā dur Farnbā g has mythological aspects and probably should be consistent with historical reality. While the name of Peroz I in the and other written sources referring to Khosrow I as transferring Ā dur Farnbā g to Kā riyā n could prove the fact that probably the site of the Ā dur Farnbā g of the covenant Khosrow I in Darabgird and during or subsequent time he moved to Kā riyā n. By exploring the Takht-e Soleymā n actually a major part of this collection belonged to the Temple of Anahita and considering the fact that the goddess Anahita probably due importance to the Sassanid Empire and also accept Ā dur Guš nasp as a Royal Dastgird, so it can be said that perhaps Ā dur Guš nasp Fire Temple was larger than the other Fire temples, So it can be much smaller area, such as the possible location of two other temples considered. The plausible extent of Azarjou fire temple and its surrounding areas that probably had e defensive function to protect the fire temple, its proximity to the Sasanian city of Darabgird, the similarity of the name “ karsiā h” with “ kar” and also the similarity of the salt domes around the fire temple to “ the shining mountain of Xwarrahomand” as described in the Greater Bundahiš n, all give us this possibility that the location of Ā dur Farnbā g was in this area up to the late Sasanian period. The suggestion of Azarjou fire temple as Ā dur Farnbā g can be the closest candidate for the description of Ā dur Farnbā g described in historical texts of 3rd-7th A. H documents. Moreover, by examining the overlap of historical texts, it can be deduced that the ambiguous description of Bundahiš n possibly refers to the physical characteristics of an area near Darabgird, making the possible dating of this text in Bundahiš n to be at the time of Khosrow I or a time before his reign.

Sassanid four arched plan fire temples, including the central platforms with stone or plaster bases around and fire bases located in center of building. The stone fireplaces have made from stone and plaster and in different shapes and sizes, based on the importance of temples, have been used for the various classes of society. The Sassanian fire bases Mainly in the form of two symmetrical cone top and bottom with vertical slots rounded ends are motifs spoon or rosette designs have. The foundation stone or plaster in many Sassanid fire temple on the shores of the Persian Gulf and Southern Gulf and other parts of Iran have been identified. Another type of Sassanid base includes a cylindrical stone that has a decorative element in the lower and upper. In some cases, the body of the foundation is stone for two horns of the altar is decorated lacking. Several studies on the Sassanid fire temple and the altar base in different parts of Iran, including in Shian, Palan gerd, milmilgeh in Kermanshah, Lorestan Kohzad castle, Nam namesht in Ilam, Takab Takht-e Soleiman in Azerbaijan, Toorang tape and the village of Kaka in Gorgan, bandian and emam zadeh mohhamad vali beig in bandian dargaz, Weigel Kashan, tape neizar Qom, sarfolad mahaleh in Semnan, kohe khajeh in Sistan amer, chah varz, kheir koh, sarger firouzabad, gavbandi, bahrestan, shabestan, chah kor, hasel zalemi, emamzadeh hasel zalemi, khafroyeh and behdeh. But the base of the altar of the Persian Gulf, including the base of the cone-shaped stone hearth spoon painted in vertical slots and the bottom of the cube-shaped base on heating Fastening were required to be addressed in this article. In this study, the base of the altar of Bushehr beach in Tel martyr Borazjan area “ Gbrha house” in the village of Dashti Kshtv of city functions, the base of the altar in the Shrine of Shah Noor-Eldeen and Castle Borazjan comparative study with other parts of the country. Fire base in the Persian Gulf and Southern Gulf, depending on the importance and dimensions of the temple, carved in different styles and sizes. Temple decorations are created on the basis of the importance fireplace, style and integrity ornaments and decorative grooves, turning different ways. Some regular basis fireplace with vertical milling around the base like palm stems or slots rosette spoon mud that may have inspired the Chinese curtain, which is closed by a ribbon at the waist. Below the base of the fireplace frame rectangular limestone altar built on its circular base has been established. It covers the area of the Fars of Khafroyeh, Zalemi, Tombe bot and Persian Gulf and the base of the Qaleh Borazjan have detected. Rectangle frame now been identified in other areas. The basic function of the importance of quality Sassanid fire temples, are religious, economic and financial support of artists. simple and undecorated fire bases like Sargerd site in Firozabad, Gour, Kheir koh, Qaleh Gori, Sheikh Amer and Karian are from the simple type which are belonging to local Temple and Home fire base simple. Examples of simple stone fire base in Palangerd in Islamabad-e gharb, Shohan village in Islamabad-e gharb, Bogheh danial nabi, Bandian Dargaz, Milmilgeh Islamabad-e gharb, Takhte Soleiman and koh-e khajeh have detected.

The Sassanid dynasty is a historical period when the Sassanid kings have factor their attention on the Zoroastrian religion and religious issues and events. The Zoroastrian religion has had a special impact on the culture (art and architecture) during this era. It seems that the understanding and learning more about the Sassanid religions architecture could provide us with a more obvious and outstanding prospect of religions characteristics and customs. Therefore, a research project titled “ an archaeological distribution analysis of the Sassanid Chartaghies in the western and south-western regions of Fars province” was launched during three archaeological seasons in winter 2011, as well as spring and summer 2012. The outcome of the study was recognizing 18 Chartaghies between the cities of Baladeh and Farashband to Firuzabad. The present endeavor studies the chronology of one of the most prominent and untouched Chartaghies of the region called “ Gonbad Chartaghi collection” . This fire temple is a recognized sample of Sassanid religions architecture. This archaeological element was previously known to be merely religions and their construction was understood to be closely related to the worship of fire. There are so many of these Chartaghi at Fars province which it seems unreasonable to have been solely and necessarily designed be possible that some of these Chartaghies were built for other purposes whit different attitudes. Some of researchers believe that they were places for fire worships while others consider them to be solely an archaeological element. As pointed out above, the current study attempted to determine the functioning of the temple collection. Thus their architectures were compared whit similar buildings. As the distinction and recognition of the Chartaghi architecture collection whit a religions functioning from other building in which the form can only be observed can contribute to a better understanding of the Sassanid architecture. The following four questions were raised: 1-When was the Gonbad Chartaghi collection built? 2-Can a Fire Temple functioning be determined for this collection based on the remaining evidence? 3-Has This Chartaghi collection followed a pattern similar and singular to the Iranian Chartaghies (specifically the Sassanid Empire)? 4-Are there any news or trace of the present monument in the written texts from the Sassanid era? A stylistic comparison of the Gonbad Chartaghies between this monument and Sassanid samples in terms of plan, material, dome, and vaults. The construction benefits from a similar pattern, too. Based on Dietrich Hoff classification, this collection can be included among the Sassanid Chartaghies because the walls of the worship corridor and its vaults (whereby crescent vaults have been used to build the corner domes) seems to be similar to Takhte-Soliman great temple. As a result, based on what was mentioned above, specific elements of a Fire Temple can be observed in the Gonbad Chartaghi collection. It could also be argued that this monument is a religions building with a Fire Temple functioning belonging to the Sassanid era. The building includes a worship hall, several rooms, with Yazshen-gah functioning as well as some rooms for priests and Fire Temple attendants. Based on round group classification and with respect to the fire which turned on inside the temple, it has been use by local people. The typology of the discovered pottery could not help determine an exact date. However, according to its architectural typology with the original forms of the Chartaghies of the above mentioned period, it would be possible to determine the period between the fifth to ninth centuries B. C. as the time when the Chartaghi has commonly been used as a Fire Temple by the follower and Zoroastrian priests.

Reign of the Seljuk dynasty (429-590 A. H. ) is considered as one of the richest periods in the history of Iran in terms of the amount of innovations and artistic developments and also in the number of constructed outstanding buildings. However, previous studies of the history of the architecture of this period are mainly assigned to middle and later periods of the Seljuk dynasty. Such an approach with regard to the diversity of the remains of architectural monuments of the late 5th century and around the sixth century A. H. is natural and inevitable. Therefore, with regard to the date of construction of the oldest buildings which is the north-east dome of the Isfahan Jama mosque with the date of construction at 467 A. H.; details of developments of Iranian architecture and constructed architectural monuments during the reign of the first Seljuk rulers, Toghrol and Alp Arslan is very trivial and insignificant. Due to the destruction of outstanding architectural works from the reign of the first rulers of the Seljuk dynasty such as those which were built during the late 5th century and the beginning of the 6th century A. H., the role of second sources are very significant in reconstruction of the evolution of the architecture of the Seljuks and especially the first Seljuk rulers era. Furthermore, recognition of the history of architectural Developments of this period as the link to experiences of four centuries of Persian architecture and the emergence of brilliant architecture of the Seljuk era, can be beneficial in better understanding of the procedure which led to the construction of the great masterpieces of Iranian architecture in the late 5th and early 6th century A. H. By investigating the historical texts’ reports from the events of this period it can be realized that the major reports of written sources of the reign of Toghrol and Alp Arslan are allocated to the conquests, battles and political events of the time, therefore the main research Questions of this study are designed with regard to this fact. Evaluation of related data in texts about the architecture of this period suggests that, there are little differences, according to the number of constructed buildings, between the first Seljuk rulers era with middle and late periods of this dynasty. Despite the military nature of this government during the early rulers they have shown significant attention to the field of architecture and the destruction of the historical monuments are due to the events of latter periods such as the attack of Ghzan tribes, the Mongol invasions and the religious differences and conflicts caused in separation of this era from the architectural history of Seljuk era. Particularly the major architectural works of this period have been built in areas such as Khorasan, Ray and Arab Iraq that due to external attacks and clashes, religious conflicts, have been subject of destruction. Reports from this period indicates that the Seljuks during the beginning of their reign and even before the golden age of construction of schools and mosques at the end of the 5th century and the beginning of the 6th century A. H. in the most important cities of Iran and Iraq several buildings especially schools and mosques have been established that can be interpreted as a document to the consolidation of the ruling of the Seljuk and declaration to the rise of a new power, as well as a proof of pure devotion to religion of Seljuk and their belief in tradition, religious faith and the Abbasid Caliphate. Particularly, most of these regions previously have been occupied by Shiite Al buoy. Investigation of second sources of the Seljuk era indicates that there was a significant amount of written sources, and numerous architectural works and construction efforts during the first Seljuk rulers.

The ancient city of Natel has been one of the famous Early-Islamic cities of northern Elburz mountain chain (Tabaristan province); whose ruins have been identified in jungles of Natel-Kenar district, in the vicinity of a village with the same name. Based on historical evidences from early Islamic centuries, Natel was located in between ancient cities of Amol and Chalous, and together with its barracks was accounted as one of the residences of the Muslim governors of northern Iran. As the historical evidences have accounted, like several other Sasanian and early Islamic cities, there existed a barrack called Duke in the vicinity of Natel, in which 500 soldiers were ready to control the state of affairs in Tabaristan. This city was one of the largest cities of Tabaristan in the Abbasid era. The importance of this city in second half of the third century was so much so that Hassan-Ibn Zeid Alavi sought allegiance from people of the area towards forming a Zeidi Shia government. Despite to the mention of the city in most historical and geographical references about northern Iran, there exists numerous questions in relation to its life-time, as well as form and function, as the city has been completely ruined. And so, the aim of the present research is to lay out the chronology of the Natel city, and also retrieve its spatial organization and settlement style. To this end, all information about the city is extracted from the written resources, through a descriptive-analytical method, to be used in the analysis, in comparison with results from the archaeological studies. The authors have carried out signif-icant field study in order to ascertain the form and spatial structure of this city; examples of which are two seasons of excavations in the years 1387 and 1389, and systematic surface sur-vey in 1392 A. H. /2013. As a result, it became evident that the city of Natel had an irregular oc-tagonal plan and that the prevailing patterns of Iranian central cities were adopted towards for-mation of its boroughs (including the Arg, Sharestan and Rabaz). Stone and wood were the main architectural materials used in this city, and the urban designers have benefited from the “ Shim Roud” river for strengthening the south-eastern fortifications. In addition, trenches were dug in parallel to other walls to complete city’ s defensive system. Interestingly, the security of defensive walls of the governmental Arg was also provided through a different trench and thus it can be accepted that Natel had a unique plan and defensive system.